Modern History MCQ UPSC 2023

Revolt of 1857 The Indian Rebellion of 1857 was not one rebellion, it was many. Modern History MCQ UPSC 2023
  1. Colonial historians have emphasized that the various players in the revolt had their own grievances and shared nothing in common except perhaps a suspicion of the £ for allegedly destroying their religion.

It was primarily a mutiny, the civilian unrest being a secondary phenomenon which happened as the unruly elements took advantage of the breakdown of law and order.

Modern History upse
Modern History upse
Perhaps the only common trait that pervaded all the layers of the society was a suspicion of £ rule, allegedly threatening their religion.
There is a widespread agreement that it was something more than a sepoy mutiny, but something less than a national revolt.
  1. It was not national because the popular character of the revolt was limited to ‘Upper’ India alone and the regions and groups which had benefitted from the £ raj remained loyal as they had material interests in the new order, and often a deep, ideological commitment to the new ideas. The Punjabi princes hated the Hindustani soldiers and shuddered at the thought of the resurrection of the Mughal empire. On the other hand those who had rebelled had various motives which were not always connected to any specific grievance against £.
  2. This so called ‘agreement’ has been widely questioned in recent years. It can hardly be denied that there was no concept of Indian nation in the modern sense among the rebels of 1857. Peasant actions too were local affairs. Yet unlike the previous revolts there was now a greater interconnection across the territories and rebels from one area frequently tried to help those in the other. The common distaste for £ was in no way limited to merely an alleged attempt to destroying their religion, it manifested in every sphere of their lives. All of them wanted to go back to the pre-colonial state which was that of a decentralized Mughal empire. Thus if Laxmi bai was fighting for Jhansi it can’t be said that her cause was aloof from that of Nana Saheb. Both of them had the same aim. Similarly the aim of the taluqdars, the peasants etc. all coincided with restoration.
This loyalty, it may be true, springs nearer from the head than from the heart.
  1. This is in reference to the loyalty of the Bengali intelligentsia.

Was it an elitist revolt?

  1. Some historians think that during the revolt the feudal elements were the decision makers and much of the revolt was determined and shaped by them for it was only they who could give the direction to the revolt (being the natural leaders of the people).
  2. But this position obviously is incorrect and trivializes the role of the masses. So far as the feudal elements are concerned, in many cases, they were reluctant to give leadership (Bahadur Shah, Nana Saheb, Laxmi Bai) and had to be pressurized. Even when they gave leadership as in the case of Bahadur Shah the actual operations were planned and carried out by a military council comprising the soldiers as well. In many cases these feudal lords were the first ones to compromise and the revolt went on even after that.
  3. Similarly in case of taluqdars, even though they were the leaders invariably, many of them were turncoats or never supported. The peasants had to force them in many cases to provide leadership (because this was the state system back then, there was no concept of ordinary people providing leadership).
  4. Above all the main initiatives came from sepoys. Almost everywhere rebel action was preceded by panchayats or open gatherings of the rebels.
The annexation of Oudh shook the loyalty of these sepoys, as it was for them an ultimate proof of untrustworthiness of the £.
  1. Mention the caste policies of £ followed wrt the army. Mention the economic exploitation.

Bound by ties of kinship and feudal loyalty, the villagers were happy to acknowledge the claims of their lords and joined hands against their common enemy, the £.

  1. The £ in their settlement in Oudh and NW provinces had disregarded all the traditional rights of the taluqdars as they made settlements with the actual occupiers of the land or the village bodies. It was hoped that the move would win the loyalty of the peasants and get rid of the unwanted and unproductive intermediaries. This left the taluqdars no better than ordinary tenants. So they had a natural cause to revolt.
  2. The peasants joined the rebellion because they too were hit hard by the high revenue demands of the company. The ownership rights were of no avail precisely due to this reason and they too had their own cause to fight the £ and not just out of sense of loyalty to their erstwhile ‘lords’.
Individual Episodes
  1. Lucknow Pact: It was issued by rebels in Lucknow underlying the reasons for rebelling – £ had endangered their religion, lives and property.
  2. Bakth Khan: He fought in Rai Barelli and then took his forces to Delhi where he was appointed commander-in-chief of the rebel forces.
  3. Tantia Tope: He was betrayed by a zamindar friend Man Singh @ Narwar and hanged in April 1858 in Shivpuri.
  4. Maulvi Ahmedullah: He commanded rebel forces in Faizabad.
  5. Rajputana: Man Singh of Jodhpur & Swarup Singh of Udaipur participated in it.

Nature & Character

  1. Unplanned vs Planned Controversy: Some historians have put forth the view that the revolt was planned in London in 1856 between the advisors to Nana Sahib and Hazrat Mahal. They also point out that its quick spread, lotus flowers and chapatti codes prove its planned character. But in reality, the £ made every effort to prove the conspiracy theory so that Bahadur Shah Zaffer could be charged for sedition and killed so as to devoid the only rally point of the Indians. But they couldn’t even prove these in £ courts. Bahadur shah himself was surprised and accepted the leadership after lot of persuasion.
  2. Mutiny vs Popular Revolt Controversy: In reality, it began as a mutiny but turned into a popular revolt. This is evident from the participating masses as well as those who were persecuted later on.
  3. Reactionary: They wanted to turn the clock back and go back to pre-£ setup.
  4. Anti-colonial, anti-£.
  5. First of its kind: It wasn’t the first revolt, but it was first of its kind. The earlier revolts were localized revolts but this one was big – in spread as well as social composition. In terms of challenge posed, £ rule ceased to exist for some time. In terms of repression, it was unprecedented as well.
  6. Though the concept of nation was absent and leaders lacked the clear sense and were fighting for personal gains, some actions show that a vague sense of belonging was there. It was not merely parochial and personal but a greater cause was there as well.

Spread

  1. Rohillakhand, Doab, Oudh, Allahbad, Bihar, Rajasthan were the maximum affected areas. The mutiny mainly affected the Bengal army, the Madras and the Bombay regiments remained quiet, while the Punjabi and the Gurkha regiments actually helped to suppress the revolt. The maximum number of Indian sepoys were in Bengal regiment and if we look at overall numbers, ~ 50% of the Indian sepoys had revolted.
  2. The £ presence in the Bengal army was also minimal. It also came from the high caste background and most of them were recruited from the peasant families of Oudh.

Causes of Failure

  1. Reactionary attitude: This was the reason it always remained weak. People with personal grudge fought. Intelligentsia stayed away.
  2. Lack of awakening: Thats why people in other parts of the country didn’t participate. Even in revolt areas, not everybody supported it. Until then the state system was people have nothing to do with politics or state except for paying taxes. People were tied with local loyalties.
  3. Violent character: So it could never have been a mass phenomenon.
  4. £ won as they had committed unlimited amount of resources to the cause while rebels had limited resources only.
  5. Rebels showed a remarkable centripetal impulse to congregate at Delhi which prevented the rebellion from spreading as much as it could. The extremely localized nature of the rebellion helped £ in quelling it with ease.
Was 1858 a great divide?
What is more important, the earlier reformist zeal of a self-confident Victorian liberalism now evidently took a back seat, as many believed now that Indians were beyond reform.

Politics

  1. Company vs £ crown.
  2. Policy of territorial expansion abandoned.
  3. Before 1858, the trend was centralization. By Charter Act of 1833, the legislative powers of the
  4. provinces were taken away and vested in Bengal. After 1858, the trend was decentralization albeit a slow one.
  5. £ policy towards the native states changed from subordinated isolation to subordinated union.

Military

  1. Number of € soldiers increased, key posts reserved, caste and regional divisions in army, martial and non-martial races.

Economy

  1. Policy of direct and open exploitation gave way to indirect and silent economic exploitation. Earlier one way free trade policy was followed; now finance capitalism was followed and amount of home charges was increased substantially.
  2. Policy towards landlords changed from being anti to friends.

Social

  1. The social policy was changed from liberal and progressive to regressive.
  2. Racial discrimination increased further due to the fight.

Rise of Indian Nationalism

Factors Responsible

+ve Impact of £ Rule

  1. Political and administrative unity. Uniform laws.
  2. Modern press, railways, post.
  3. Modern education and ideals.
  4. Emergence of educated middle class.

-ve Impact of  £ Rule

  1. Isolation of Indian villages was broken. What happened in one country began to affect others.
  2. People saw their problems had same root.
  3. The unpopular actions like Vernacular Press Act of 1778, Ilbert Bill controversy (the effeminate babu was not fit to preside over the trial of a manly £ not could he be expected to honor the dignity of white women as they did not respect women in their own household), Lex Loci Act (which gave christian converts the right to inherit their ancestral property), imposition of income tax in 1860 and raising its rate subsequently, Indian Council Act 1861, government proposal to cut back on funding of higher education in Bengal (and instead to route the funds into elementary education – mai baap politics), reducing the maximum age for civil services exam from 21 to 19 and refusing to conduct a simultaneous exam in india, Arms Act of 1878 (which introduced a licensing system but excluded the Eurasians and Europeans from the need of any license), Inland Emigration Act (which condemned the plantation workers to serfdom) worked to bring out the true nature of £ rule in India and also helped in rallying Indians.

Socio-Cultural Reform Movements

  1. Highlighted the commonalities in Indian culture and worked to eliminate the divisive forces.
  2. They were egalitarian, humanist, rationalist, modern.
  3. Nationalist historians instilled sense of pride.

Project Revival

The purpose of the social reform movements in 19th century was to ‘purify’ and ‘rediscover’ an Indian civilization that would be conformant with the European ideals of rationalism, empiricism, monotheism and individualism. Thus the movement was meant to fashion a ‘modern’ national culture that is nevertheless not Western.
  1. The reformers, by a re-interpretion, tried to show that the Indian culture was not inferior in any way to the £ culture and in fact on one count vis spiritualism even surpassed it. This sense of spiritual essence of the Indian society provided the ideological foundation of the modern Indian nationalism.

The modern revivalistic project created an identity that was inclusive as well as exclusive at the same time.

  1. However this revivalistic project had its own drawbacks like uncritically accepting all practices of the past, bypassing the long Muslim rule, presenting the golden and the dark ages etc.

Reform vs Revival

  1. The reform movements in which a number of moderates too were involved attempted to change Hindu institutions and social customs to bring it in conformity with the post enlightenment western ideas. Thus a National Social Conference was setup in 1887 as an adjunct body to congress. These movements were thus inspired by the western ideals as well as represented a response to the western critique of hindu civilization and the westernizing forces.
  2. It was this second aspect of the reform movements which led to the revivalist project while the former aspect was made secondary to the second.

Nationalism and reformism seemed to be contradictory ideas.

  1. To many Indians the relentless western critique of the hindu civilization and the growing pressure (with state patronage) of the westernizing forces meant a surrender to the colonial rule (as they viewed it as being sponsored  by the colonial rule). Hinduism became an identity, a symbol of sovereignty and since the reform movements were anchored in the western ideals and criticized hindu practices they were viewed with suspicion by a section of nationalists.
  2. This led to the growth of anti-reformism based on a sense of pride on everything Hindu (and thus also sanctioned the theory of a glorious hindu past marked by a degeneration under muslims and threatened by £). And this revivalism thus acquired a strong political overtone (as it became a weapon to resist colonial ideology).

The educated middle class in the 19th century often found the domain of reason to be oppressive, as it implied the historical necessity of the ‘civilizing’ colonial rule.

  1. Mention the role of reform movements, how their inspiration was drawn from £ ideals, and how their activities sought to change hinduism. But the same social reforms were also being sponsored by £ and thus the reformist movements came to be associated as westernizing force. Thus began the revivalist reaction.
  2. This reaction sought to legitimize any and every defence of Hindu traditions. They began to invent precedents in ancient India for every modern scientific discovery of the west. The whole propaganda thus took an active form. This was accompanied by works in literature and other arts (although more sophisticated sometime as those of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee who wrote Anand Math, portrayed krishna as the modern politician and a nation builder, invented the icon of mother goddess for the nation and wrote Bande Mataram). Behramji Malabari in 1884 in Maharashtra wrote a ‘note’ on child marriage leading to enforced widowhood which led to a countrywide debate on the issue. Rukhma Bai a 22 year old widow was taken to Bombay high court by her husband because she refused to recognize his conjugal rights out of a child marriage. In this he was supported by the hindu revivalists even though reformers like Malabari tried to defend Rukhma Bai. The hindu revivalists also opposed the Age of Consent Act, 1891 for it was being imposed by a colonial government while incidentally they had no hesitation in taking resource to the same colonial government to impose their viewpoint in the Rukhma Bai case.
  3. In these circumstances (growing revivalist tendencies) Ramkrishna Paramhansa and Vivekananda captured the imagination of the nationalist masses.

While Brahmo Samaj’s appeal was to intellect, that of Ramkrishna was to the mind and emotions.

  1. Unlike the brahmo samajists, he was a man who was a saint and was completely untouched by any westernizing influence. He offered simplistic interpretations of Hinduism, often based in the ancient Indian practice of bhakti which had the same effect of conforming to some of the reformist ideals and doing so without succumbing to any of the westernizing forces. Thus casteism should not be followed because in conformance with the ancient Indian practice of bhakti all are children of god and he will not make any such distinction among his bhaktas and not because such a thing was inhumane as per the post enlightenment thinking of the west. Thus the humanism ideal of enlightenment was incorporated by Ramkrishna as ‘the best way to serve god is to serve his poor children’.
  2. His teachings also contained an open rejection of the values imposed by the western education and the westernized life and jobs Thus he became immensely popular with the middle class western educated bengalees as his teachings conformed with their ideals and yet were based on a completely indigenous interpretation which in no way undermined the prestige of their culture.

To describe Ramkrishna as a revivalist is to ignore the ‘universalistic’ aspects of his teachings.

  1. He was not exactly a revivalist for he did include a form of assimilation of religious ideas. He thus argued that there are various ways to achieve god but one must stick to his own path. He argued that assimilation was the essence of Hinduism. He advocated social service and didn’t remain confined to the elites and in fact criticized the other social movements for being too elitist.

Hindu revivalist project selectively retained the teachings of Vivekananda and Ramkrishna.

  1. His evocation of Hindu glory mixed with patriotism and restoration of Hindu masculinity had a tremendous influence on the popular mind. While this aspect of his teachings was highlighted, his call to change some of the evil hindu practices was ignored. His philanthropic activities were never emulated and his criticism of brahmanical and gender oppression was scarcely ever taken seriously.

The term revivalism itself remained problematic as it did not mean resurrecting an old forgotten past, but reconstituting the past in the service of the present.

  1. Many of the practices being ‘revived’ were actually already being practiced. Many others were simply conveniently forgotten. An example is Ramkrishna’s teachings.

Singh Sabha Movement

  1. It was a sikh revivalist movement as it sought to revive the ‘glory of the 17th and 18th century’ Sikh. It spread due to the emergence of an elite sikh class and also a sense of exclusion of sikhs from education and administrative posts. One of its aim was to restore the control of the holy places.
The colonial state, therefore could confidently claim itself to be the real champion of the interests of the masses.
  1. Between 1892 and 1909, about 20% of the delegates attending congress sessions were landlords, 40% were lawyers and 15% were traders. Among the lawyers and traders as well many were related to landlord families or had landed interests. The congress could therefore never take a coherent logical stand on peasant question. They demanded extension of PS in the interest of zamindars, opposed a survey on measuring the extent of land holdings and their values in 1893-94 which could have protected the peasants from the manipulations of the zamindars, its leaders opposed the Bengal Tenancy Act 1885.
  2. The representation of the pro commercial classes also prevented congress from addressing the worker question. Thus they opposed the Factory Acts of 1881 and 1891, Mining Bill and other labor reforms. It was the pro landlord and pro bourgeoisie policies of the congress that allowed the colonial government to project itself as the real protector of the poor.
  3. Further they were high caste hindu leaders and couldn’t overcome their social conservatism while the £ government on the recommendation of the Indian Education Commission,1882 even set aside special funds for the education of the backward classes.  It were the colonial education, christian missionary philanthropy and their own initiative which inspired their awakening and guided it into an anti-brahman movement and not anti-£ (it may be noted that even now the nationalists did nothing to enlist their support and it had to wait until the arrival of the mahatma). They looked at the emerging nationalist movement as a conspiracy to establish Brahmanic hegemony over the new institutions and viewed the colonial government as their patron and liberator. By trying to portray Hinduism as a religion of a book, they also tended to ignore the numerous folk cultures and other cultures.
  4. Moreover they alienated the Muslims in their project revival and in their failure to criticize the cow riots. After the 1891 Nagpur session of congress, the Gaurakshini samiti held its meeting within the congress pavilion and was attended by a large number of congress leaders and thus only increasing muslim misgivings. Then they also opposed the Age of Consent Act, 1891. In their agitation also they never tried to enlist the support of the masses.

Thus the nationalism, which grew in strength in the late 19th century, was beset with contradictions from the very beginning.Politics of Associations

  1. Earlier Raja RM Roy had carried out a modest © agitation for such demands as separation of powers, trial by jury, indianization of services and freedom of press. 1st political body to be found was Bengal Bhasa Prakashika Sabha in 1836. In 1838 Zamindar Association was formed which was the first example of a constitutional lobbying group. In 1841 Desh-hitashini sabha was founded which promoted the ideas of Young Bengal movement. Gopal Harideshmukh was first to plead swadesi, Bhaskar Pandurang Tarkhadkar was first to write militant criticism of colonial rule.
  2. A series of associations had been founded. But these were too narrow in their thought and objectives and had outlived their utility. For example, the £ Indian Association of Bengal had increasingly associated itself with zamindars. Unlike its predecessor Landholders’ Society which had many non official £-Indians in it, the £ Indian Association had Indian members only. It was created on the eve of the renewal of the charter of the company to send petitions to the £ parliament to express the demands of the Indian subjects. It initially tried to coordinate the efforts of the other presidencies as well but failed (mainly ego clashes). They demanded greater participation in the administration, more efficient administration, protested against legislations unresponsive to the feelings of the people, high taxation, salt and opium monopolies and neglect of education and public works. Obviously £ parliament paid no heed.
  3. On the failure of the £ Indian Association to create a national level representation, the Bombay Association (D Nairoji, Fardoonji) and Madras Native Association came up but they too had become reactionary. Only the Poona Sarvjanik Sabha continued as before. But they had created a basic level of awakening in the country. So need was there for a more radical and national level organization.
  4. Thus the Indian Association was founded in 1876 by SN Bannerjea and Anand Mohan Bose which was free from the landed plutocracy and represented the middle class. IN the same year the Bombay Association was given a new life when Dadabhai Nairoji and Ferdunji joined it but the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha remained the main organization. In 1884 Madras Mahajan Sabha was founded by S Iyer, PA Charlu and C Raghavchari. In 1885 Bombay Presidency Association was found by PS Mehta, B Tyabji. These new associations demanded separation of power, indianization of legislative council (50% elected representation from local bodies, chambers of commerce, universities etc.) and bureaucracy, 2 Indian members in the GG’s executive council, reduction of military expenditure and home charges, extension of PS to other parts of India (in the support of zamindar group). Where they differed from the old politics (zamindar associations) was that they were demanding a share in running their own country.

The older ways survived in various forms.

  1. Despite the founding of the new associations which were led by middle class intellectuals, the older lobby of landlords survived in the form of dals which were dominated by absentee landlords. They presided over an informal but effective social network of the landed gentry across Bengal and took position in support of or in opposition to many public issues depending upon their interests. In united provinces too the older forces were channeled by the caste and communal associations.
  2. Moreover the new middle class too had land connections of its own it was only in Bombay that an industrialist class could come up. This is revealed in their continuous raising of zamindari interests and opposition to the Bengal Tenancy Bill, 1885.

Congress

Safety Valve Hypothesis

  1. The theory was put forward by Lala Lajpat Rai in 1916. Before him WC Bonnerjee had put forward a similar view that ‘Congress was the brainchild of Dufferin’. He also cited Hume’s biography by William Wedderburn written in 1913.
  2. According to this, in 1878, Hume came across 30k secret reports while in Shimla. He also had a large number of mysterious godmen who used to keep him informed.
  3. But Lala was an extremist and he was biased against congress. Hume was i revenue department. How can he access files meant for home department? +

True Character

  1. A series of associations had been founded. But these were too narrow in their thought and objectives and had outlived their utility. For example, the £ Indian Association of Bengal had increasingly associated itself with zamindars. Similarly the Bombay Association and Madras Native Association had become reactionary. Only the Poona Sarvjanik Sabha continued as before. But they had created a basic level of awakening in the country. So need was there for a more radical and national level organization.
  2. The press was growing and spreading nationalist ideas and integrating people all over the nation.
  3. A series of campaigning against unpopular acts of government had already given experience and confidence to Indian leaders. Vernacular press act, arms act, afghan war, land revenue, ilbert bill.
  4. The new leaders and press were already pressing for the cause of a national level political association.
Programme and Objectives of Early Congress
The Indian patriots of the late 19th century were not questioning the imperial connection. But Her Majesty’s loyal subjects were also gradually turning into conscious citizens, demanding their rights from an authoritarian colonial state.
  1. Anti-Colonial Rule: The early demands were mild – like reduction of LR, reduction in war expenses, more education, health, Indians in civil services etc. But these were demands which ran contrary to the very nature of a colonial rule and couldn’t have been fulfilled.
  2. Nation Building: This process had just started in India, so they had to continue it. This had to be done by emphasizing common nature of problems, promoting unity across regions, religions, mobilizing public opinion and raising issues of national importance.
  3. Create a common political platform: Where workers from different parts of India could gather and conduct their activities to educate and mobilize people all over India. To give a proper organizational structure and leaders for them to work around.
  4. Guiding the INM on modern path: Changing concepts, bringing modern ideas to Indian public, to draw them into politics. New politics meant involvement of people, so to mobilize public opinion.
  5. Expose the true nature of £ rule: This would enable people to focus and channelize their opinions. They believed Indian poverty is not God sent but man made due to actions of £. Economic development means development of modern industries. The economic development in India should happen with Indian capital only and not foreign capital. They disagreed that £ rule was good for India because it had established law and order. They said the law and order only means that £ could bleed India dry with minimal resistance. Development of railways etc. served the same purpose. The policy of free trade was ruining Indian industry.
Drain of Wealth
The economic theory by linking Indian poverty to colonialism was trying to corrode the moral authority of colonial rule, and also perhaps by implication challenging the whole paternalistic imperialism or £ benevolence.

Factors Responsible

  1. Rise of £ as political power – diwani and nizamat rights.
  2. Colonial nature of £ rule.
  3. Return of £ officials to home.

Instruments

  1. Indian Investments: The £ used Indian revenues to buy Indian products and export to £. So India got nothing for the exports.
  2. Home Charges: Expenses of the India office in London including salaries, pensions (expenses of £ company’s London establishment till 1858 and then by the office of SoS for India in London); dividends / charges paid by the £ company; interest on loans taken by GoI (earlier company); pensions. The amount of home charges was 10% of total revenues of GoI in 1858, 24% in 1900, 40% in 1921.
  3. Wars fought by £ outside India: They had no relation to India but India had to pay for it.
  4. Excessive employment of £: They came expensive and took away all wealth to £.
  5. € Capital: The profits went back as dividends / interest.
  6. Coercive Practices: Used to coerce Indians into labor and buy low, sell high.

Critique of DoW Theory (Curzon et al)

  1. They said there was an inflow of bullion into India. But bullion as a commodity can be purchased.
  2. They said £ arranged loans for India @ concessional rates. But did India ask for it?
  3. Railways brought benefit to India. But it was colonial in character.
Moderates (1885-1905)

Nature & Character

  1. They were young and more radical compared to the previous generation who were too narrow minded.
  2. They were liberals believing in constitutional means and processes. They protested against the colonial element in the £ rule. They had full faith in £ sense of justice. They were totally non-violent. And they considered © as inviolable and hence the faith in © methods.
  3. They were democratic in thought and even structured INC on democratic lines. They were assimilatory, secular, egalitarian and tolerant. Yet they were not always forthright enough to rise above their sectarian interests despite claiming to do so.
  4. Their social outlook was also progressive. They represented the modern enlightened chain of thought in India. They supported the Age of Consent Act of 1892.
  5. They were the western educated intelligentsia of India. They were journalists. They belonged to upper middle class and were elitist. They had no faith in efficacy of masses. Their social support base was urban, yet their issues and activities were pan-Indian in character and were sympathetic towards peasants.
  6. They were primarily guided by utilitarian theories, the administration should be efficient, the government should be guided by expediency and not by any traditionalism or moral laws.

The moderates had wanted the Indian nation to develop along a modernistic course; but modernism being a western concept, this meant an advocacy of the continuation of the colonial rule.

Thus their immediate demand was not for full self government or democracy, they demanded democratic rights only for the educated members of the Indian society who would substitute for the masses.
  1. They wanted abolition of the India Council which prevented the SoS from initiating liberal policies in India. They also wanted to broaden the Indian participation in the central and the provincial legislative councils by having 50% members elected not by the general public, but by local bodies, chambers of commerce, universities etc. They wanted 2 Indian members in the GG’s executive council and 1 such member in each of the provincial council.
  2. The budget should be referred to the legislature which should have the right to discuss it, amend it and vote on it. They also wanted the right to appeal directly to the £ parliament against the GoI.

Limitations of Moderates

  1. Between 1892 and 1909, about 20% of the delegates attending congress sessions were landlords, 40% were lawyers and 15% were traders. Among the lawyers and traders as well many were related to landlord families or had landed interests. The congress could therefore never take a coherent logical stand on peasant question. They demanded extension of PS in the interest of zamindars, opposed a survey on measuring the extent of land holdings and their values in 1893-94 which could have protected the peasants from the manipulations of the zamindars, its leaders opposed the Bengal Tenancy Act 1885.
  2. The representation of the pro commercial classes also prevented congress from addressing the worker question. Thus they opposed the Factory Acts of 1881 and 1891, Mining Bill and other labor reforms. It was the pro landlord and pro bourgeoisie policies of the congress that allowed the colonial government to project itself as the real protector of the poor.
  3. Between 1892 and 1909, ~90% of the delegates attending congress sessions were hindus and only 6.5% were muslims. Even in Hindus ~40% were brahmans and rest were upper caste hindus. This led to social orthodoxy and lack of clear communal policies (even though in 1888 congress passed a rule that no decision will be taken which was opposed by an overwhelming majority of any community and in 1889 in its resolution demanding reforms in legislature it recommended proportional reservations for minorities). Muslim participation declined even further after the 1883 communal riots and congress’ silence on it. After the 1891 Nagpur session of congress, the Gaurakshini samiti held its meeting within the congress pavilion and was attended by a large number of congress leaders and thus only increasing muslim misgivings. And no major initiative was launched by the congress to bring the muslim in its fold.

Successes of Moderates

  1. Political reforms were taking place and Indian Councils Acts of 1892 and 1909 were passed.
  2. Their economic critique and nation building activities + founding fathers of modern India in many ways.
  3. The Public Service Commission was setup in 1886. They succeeded in getting a resolution introduced in £ parliament on holding civil services examination in India as well.
  4. A Welby Commission was setup to look into the ways of better management of Indian resources.
Extremists (1905-1919)
Political extremism in the late 19th century was not just a reaction to moderate failures; it drew its inspiration and ideology from a cultural and intellectual movement that developed simultaneously with and parallel to moderate politics of the Congress.

Nature & Character

  1. Congress under the moderate leadership was being governed by an undemocratic ©. Despite repeated attempts by Tilak no reforms were carried out. The congress was also financially broke as the capitalists didn’t contribute and the patronage of a few landed elements was never sufficient. The social reformism of the moderates also went against popular orthodoxy. Then came Curzon and he passed a string of unpopular acts including the Calcutta Municipal (Amendment) Act, 1899 (which sought to reduce the number of the elected representatives in it), the Indian Universities Act, 1904 (which placed Calcutta university under government control) and the Indian Official Secrets (Amendment) Act, 1904 (which placed further restrictions on press). His unpopular Calcutta university convocation address too stoked discontent.
  2. They were more radical than moderates in their demands and means. They had no faith in constitutional processes and resorted to agitations on streets, public speeches, fiery press articles, traditional festivals, boycotts etc. Basically they sought to broaden the support base of the INM.
  3. They were non-violent but had sympathies with violent actors against £. They themselves never asked for violence neither openly supported it.
  4. They demanded not constitutional reforms but home rule. They had no faith in £ sense of justice.
  5. Though they were generally progressive and secular in outlook, they often took recourse to religion and reactionary elements to garner support. Their source of inspiration was past glory of Indian culture. They opposed the Age of Consent Act, 1891.
  6. Their support base was still urban, though it widened to include lower middle class as well. At its height, it also entered villages to a limited extent.

Partition of Bengal

Partition Plan

  1. East Bengal would have 18 mm Muslims & 12 mm Hindus. INC would oppose it thus Muslims will feel that INC doesn’t want to give them a Muslim majority province. W Bengal will have 17 mm Bengalis and 37 mm non-Bengalis. Also any measure to reduce the importance of Calcutta would weaken the INM and Congress.
  2. Had the partition been purely on administrative grounds then the government would have accepted the alternative proposals offered by a number of civil servants suggesting more logical partition plans based on linguistic division rather than religious division of the population. But Curzon rejected all these proposals on political ground that linguistic unity would further consolidate the position of the Bengalee politicians.

Response (1903-early 1905)

  1. Sarkar (1973) has identified 4 major trends in Swadesi politics which ran more or less simultaneously throughout – the moderate trend, the constructive swadesi, the political extremism and the revolutionary terrorism. Initially the moderates held sway. They wrote in press, speeches, public meetings assuming that the £ would be amenable to arguments. Some of the largest public meetings were held in this period. They were trying to build public opinion against the partition. They also tried to build opinion in £ and in £ parliament against the plan. But when they failed to do so the movement widened into a call for the boycott of £ goods – led by the moderate SN Banerjee himself. But despite the wider call, the strategy of the moderates remained the same – they only sought to pressurize the £ parliament to secure an annulment of the partition and couldn’t conceptualize of boycott as a method for the development of national economy and resistance.
  2. As a reaction to the boycott, a new trend developed with the emphasis on self reliance and many constructive projects to develop swadesi education and businesses were launched. The difference from the political extremist version of swadesi and this constructive swadesi was that the emphasis was on non political programmes and religious revivalism. Atmasakti became the creed of Bengal. Arbitration courts were created and the Swadesh Bandhab Samiti settled over 500 cases.
  3. But as it developed the political extremists began to argue that without political freedom no atmasakti or self reliance was possible. And thus the movement took a new turn and became wider than just Bengali sub nationalism. Now the goal changed from annulment of the partition to swaraj.

In 1911 the Curzonian aim of weakening the Bengali politicians was achieved in a different way and now with less resistance.

  1. Also refer to the transfer of capital out of Calcutta to Delhi.
Swadesi Movement
Gandhi vs Swadesi – Swadesi was the 2nd failure of congress (1st was to keep muslims within its fold).
  1. Although the tools were similar like boycott of £ goods and institutions, development of their indigenous alternatives, violation of unjust laws and agitation against £ excesses yet there were important differences.
  2. Swadesi also allowed for violent agitation in the face of £ excesses while Gandhi emphasized completely on non violence.
  3. Hindu religious revivalism was the main feature of swadesi while Gandhi had a universal assimilatory philosophy. He too used religious idioms and songs but his was not a revivalist tendency but referring to religious morality. His goal was a moral goal and he never defined swaraj.
  4. Swadesi failed in developing mass support as its leaders were not particularly keen to include lower peasantry and lower castes in their fold. They were dominated by high caste hindus and sometimes used coercive practices and social boycott etc. to enlist their support. Swadesi thus failed to recognize and accommodate the social aspirations of lower classes. It was primarily because of this failure of mass mobilization that the boycott movement failed to affect £ imports into India.
  5. Gandhi’s swadesi was firmly based on Indian ideology whereas the earlier swadesi was on borrowed ideology.

Tools

  1. It began when it became obvious that moderate methods had failed and government will not stop @ them. Spontaneous meetings and processions took place.
  2. Mourning day was observed and rakhis tied. Picketing, strikes, boycotts, women, students, Indian enterprises. It was pan-India and took place in other parts of India as well. Songs, festivals.
  3. Corps of volunteers were setup to spread the message in villages as well.

Impact

(a) Social

  1. Education: National Council of Education was setup comprising of leading nationalists. Vernacular languages were promoted. Indian schools and colleges were setup to accommodate expelled students.
  2. Social Base: Usual suspects + class of zamindars. Instilled sense of self-sacrifice. Peasantry, changed concept of modern politics!
  3. It led to increased participation of workers in mainstream INM as well. For the first time, INM began to turn pro-worker. Swadesi led to politicization of workers, their demands were no longer immediate economic ones but now linked to national cause.

(b) Political

  1. Emerging Trends: Transition to Gandhian methods could be seen in fragments. Mass involvement, constructive work in villages, women, student, peaceful picketing, swadesi, passive resistance.

(c) Cultural

  1. Patriotic songs were composed which inspire till date. Folk music was influenced.
  2. Vernacular languages got a boost.
  3. Abanindranath Tagore and Nandalal Bose sought to revive Indian style of painting and end victorian domination.
Surat Split
The all India political alignments in 1906-07 could best be described as in a state of confusion.
  1. The Bengali moderates cherished their connection with the more conservative Bombay group but the local political compulsions in Bengal (swadesi was most active there and the pressure of extremists was hardest there too) imposed upon them a more radical course. The Bombay group, led by Mehta and Gokhle, couldn’t appreciate their radical tendencies at all.
  2. Among the non Bengali extremists, Lala and Tilak was clearly in favor of restraint and wanted reconciliation between extremists and moderates. But other extremists were clearly against any compromise and wanted to press further on.
  3. The even bigger issue was how far to carry the radical programme @ Congress. INC embraced swadesi in 1905 and swaraj in 1906 under the pressure of the extremists who got support from Bengali moderates despite the machinations of Mehta. Now differences emerged over whether to extend boycott to other things apart from £ goods as well and whether to extend it to other parts of India as well. Mehta was against the retention of the 4 Calcutta resolutions (on swaraj, swadesi, boycott and national education).

Home Rule Movement

Methods Used

  1. Organization, associations, committee. Several committees of dedicated workers were formed – 6 by Tilak and 200 by AB.
  2. Press was used. They published journals, used newspapers, distributed pamphlets in which they clearly articulated their demands.
  3. They used vernacular languages in their writings, speeches and promoted political education and discussion.
  4. Gradually its extremist tendencies were growing. After the arrest of HRM activists including AB, Tilak began to talk of a passive resistance or civil disobedience movement. He sent out a proposal in this regard to all provincial congress committees who wanted more time to launch it.

Significance

  1. Swaraj no longer seditious, filled political vacuum etc.
  2. Home rule leagues had good membership in areas like Gujarat, Sind, UP, Bihar which had hitherto not participated to any appreciable extent in the mainstream INM.
  3. Created a dedicated cadre for the nationalist cause. To play an important role in Rowlatt Satyagraha and peasants’ movements.

Revolutionary Extremism

Changing Character of REM

  1. Growing Organization: In the beginning they were little organized, lacked clear understanding of the £ rule in India. They were driven more by emotions and self sacrifice than by real world considerations. In 1920s it turned more organized and pan-India. In 1940s, INA was formed which was a highly organized effort.
  2. Changing Methods: In the beginning, they followed the model of individual bravery and didn’t try to get any mass support. The Gadhar Party made attempt to involve the army into it. By the time of Bhagat Singh, need was felt to involve the masses into the struggle and individual acts merely became a means and not an end in themselves. INA was a proper organized army.
  3. Growing Socialistic Influence: The impact of socialistic ideals gradually grew. Hindustan Republican Association and HSRA were openly socialist in their leanings. INA was completely socialistic.
  4. Growing Secularism: The early REM took oath in the name of religion and were confined to Hindus. But the groups in 1920s abandoned Hindu oaths and no longer excluded Muslims.

Impact of REM

  1. On Princely States: They helped a lot in spreading the nationalist ideas in princely states as they used to hide in these states after committing their acts.
  2. They were egalitarian and secular in character.

Beginning Phase (1900s till 1920s)

Factors Responsible

  1. Economic hardships faced by people during closing years of 19th century. There were massive famines repeatedly.
  2. Hindu revivalism – Vivekananda’s emphasis on masculinity, akharas.
  3. Failure of mainstream movement: The Swadesi and Boycott movements had aroused the urban youth. The speeches of extremist leaders and slogan of swaraj had fired their imagination. But the extremists failed to provide them any guidance from thereon and the youth were forced to adopt a path of violence.
  4. International factors like defeat of Italy at the hands of Ethiopia, Japan’s victory over Russia and methods of Irish revolutionaries and Russian nihilists encouraged them.

Nature & Character

  1. They tried to follow the model of Irish militants and Russian nihilists instead of trying to organize a mass revolt or an army mutiny. Their model was based upon leading by action.
  2. They lacked proper understanding of the strength and character of £ rule.
  3. They got active support of press and even had some dedicated newspapers. Important ones were Jugantar and Abhinav Bharat.
  4. They organized themselves into secret societies. Important ones were Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar.
  5. They were also spread outside India.
  6. They were Hindu biased as they took religious oaths and excluded Muslims.

Early Acts

  1. In 1877, Basudeo Balwant Phadke gathered around him a small band of backward classes and engaged them into dacoities to collect money for his plans of an armed revolt against £.
  2. In 1902 4 groups were formed. 1st one was Midnapur Society, 2nd was an akhara by Sarala Ghosal in Calcutta, 3rd was Atmonnoti Samiti in Calcutta & 4th was Anushilan Samiti by Satish Chandra Basu in Calcutta.
  3. The 1st swadesi dacoity to collect funds was organized by Anushilan @ Rangpur (Barindra Kumar Ghose, Prafulla Chaki, Hemchandra Qanungo). A bomb making factory was started in Maniktala @ Calcutta. In 1907, an unsuccessful attempt was made on the life of Lieutenant Governor of Bengal.
  4. In 1908, Prafulla Chaki and Khudiram Bose threw a bomb in a carriage believed to be carrying an unpopular judge of Muzaffarpur.
  5. In 1912, Rash Behari Bose and Sachin Sanyal made an attempt on life of Viceroy Lord Hardinge.
  6. Jatin Mukerjee in Bengal tried to smuggle arms from Germany during WW1 but was suppressed ruthlessly in a battle with £ police @ Balasore in Odisha.

Second Phase (1920s & 30s)

Factors Responsible
  1. Failure of mainstream nationalist movement.
  2. Socialistic ideals: Success of Russian revolution. Growing importance of worker class and trade unions in India which they wanted to harness for the nationalist revolution.

Nature & Character

  1. They aimed at creating mass revolutions now. They particularly wanted to target working class. The individual acts were means to spread their propaganda and not ends in themselves.
  2. They had close association with communist leaders, trade unions etc.
  3. In some places like Bengal, the REM had close association with Congress. Their cadre continued to work for INC while working for REM as well. This provided them cover. After the death of CR Das, Bengal Congress leadership got divided into two – Yugantar teamed up with JM Sengupta while Anushilan teamed up with SC Bose. They carried out a few attempts but failed and stagnated.
  4. Surya Sen led REM in Chittagong. They wanted to organize a rebellion, however small in scale, to demonstrate that it was possible to challenge £ might with arms. So they carefully planned to capture armory, seize its arms, cut off telegraph and railway lines to Chittagong and then fight the invading £ force.
  5. Women participated in large scale. They acted as messenger, provided shelter, took care of arms and even fought.
  6. They no longer took religious oaths and excluded Muslims.

Significance

  1. The Chittagong armory raid fired the imagination of youth and REM activities reached their peak from 1930-32.
  2. The REM led by Bhagat Singh transformed the meaning of nationalist struggle. It no longer meant end of imperialism only. It took heavy socialistic color. It now meant end of oppression of man by man. Revolution was no longer associated with violence only.
Bengal
Nature & Character
  1. In some places like Bengal, the REM had close association with Congress. Their cadre continued to work for INC while working for REM as well. This provided them cover. After the death of CR Das, Bengal Congress leadership got divided into two – Yugantar teamed up with JM Sengupta while Anushilan teamed up with SC Bose. They carried out a few attempts but failed and stagnated.
  2. Surya Sen led REM in Chittagong. His was a group attempt instead of individual. They wanted to organize a rebellion, however small in scale, to demonstrate that it was possible to challenge £ might with arms. So they carefully planned to capture armory, seize its arms, cut off telegraph and railway lines to Chittagong and then fight the invading £ force.
  3. Women participated in large scale. They acted as messenger, provided shelter, took care of arms and even fought.
  4. They no longer took religious oaths and excluded Muslims.

Benoy, Badal, Dinesh

  1. They attacked the Writers’ Building in Calcutta during the CDM and became heroes.
Punjab, UP, Bihar
Nature & Character
  1. They shed their religious bias as they no longer took religious oaths and excluded Muslims.
  2. Young women took part in large numbers as messengers, custodians, shelter providers as well as fought with weapons.
  3. They had heavy socialistic leanings. They wanted to use individual heroic acts to spread their propaganda, specially among the working class and communists. They were working for an organized armed rebellion.
  4. They had a solid intellectual background behind them which was full of socialistic, republican and modern ideas. The revolutionaries were well read and their leaders often took lectures to spread their ideas.
  5. By his end, Bhagat Singh had begun to believe in non-violent mass movements. Still he took recourse to violent methods. (a) The changes happened quickly. They became slaves of their past. Once they indulged in violence, built their career and name on it, they couldn’t abandon their organization. (b) To arouse the masses, they had to somehow spread their propaganda. They had to differentiate themselves from Congress.

Gadhar Movement

Nature & Character / Significance

  1. It was based in W Coast of US and had its base in Punjabi immigrants. The liberty of US made it easier for them to carry it there.
  2. They made good use of press. Various circulations like Free Hindustan, Gadar, Gadar di Gunj were brought out. In Gadhar, they made good use of the economic critique theory of moderates.
  3. They organized themselves into secret societies.
  4. They worked to instigate Punjabis and the Indian army to revolt against £.
  5. They were secular, free of ethnic / regional biases. They had people of all religions, regions. Rash Behari Bose, Barkatullah Khan. They condemned Punjabis for serving in £ army and looked upon Muslims as brothers.
  6. They were egalitarian and democratic in outlook. Their stated aim was to establish a republic in free India.
  7. They used press, speeches, tours, travels to India and contacts in the Army to instigate a revolt.
  8. They lacked clear understanding of the true depth of £ rule in India, so were badly crushed.
  9. They were international in outlook and kept themselves updated. The WW 1 and Komagatu Maru ship incident triggered them to launch their revolt. They used to cooperate with other international revolutionary extremists.

Berlin

  1. Raja Mahendra Pratap and Barkatullah Khan were involved in talks with Amir of Afghanistan and even setup a provisional government of free India there during WW 1.

INA

  1. The idea of INA was first conceived in Malay by Mohan Singh, an Indian officer in £ army when he decided not to retreat with £ army and instead went to Japanese for help. From thereon Indian PoWs were handed over to Mohan Singh who tried to recruit them in INA. The fall of Singapore was crucial as lot of Indians lived there. By the end of 1942, INA strength was 40,000 men.
  2. The outbreak of QIM gave INA a chance to enter India. But by December 1942, differences arose between INA and Japanese as Japanese wanted to take only a token INA force of 2,000 men to India while INA wanted 20,000 men. Mohan Singh was arrested.
  3. With the coming of SC Bose, phase 2 of INA began. They invaded India but never succeeded due to the discriminating treatment at the hands of Japanese as well as overall defeat of Japan.
Congress Strategy towards INA trials
  1. JLN wrested the initiative when he raised the demand for leniency towards INA convicts – Shah Nawaz Khan, GS Dhillon, PK Sehgal. £ were already planning leniency but JLN’s act made their announcement seem like a reaction.
  2. Congress leaders never raised the question of law or anything. They asked leniency on the grounds of maintaining good relations between India and £. Thus the entire issue became an issue of friendly relations between 2 nations and £ had to yield. It became an issue of India’s sovereignty as to how can £ try Indians.
  3. Congress leaders ran their election campaign on this issue, organized meetings in support of INA men, fought their cases and collected funds for them.

Significance of INA Trials

  1. INA trials generated unprecedented level of intensity. The famous upsurges of Calcutta in November 1945 and February 1946 are examples. In these upsurges, generally a group defied the authority, then other people in the city joined in their support and soon all country began to express their support and solidarity.
  2. INA campaigned wide level of solidarity. This solidarity could be seen at grass root level, between Hindus and Muslims, all classes of society. Initially these men were labeled as misguided patriots but later on they became the symbols of most heroic patriotism. Entire country united behind them.
  3. INA meetings arose the sympathy of loyalist sections, bureaucracy and military as well. Military men openly collected funds for INA convicts.
  4. Upon convicting and then remitting the sentences, the commander in chief noted, “Any attempt to enforce the sentence would have led to chaos in the country at large and probably to mutiny”.
See also  Constitution Development Process UPSC 2023

Royal India Navy Revolt (February 1946)

Discipline in army can’t be tempered with, we will need an army even in free India.
  1. It began @ HNS Talwar when the naval ratings protested against racial discrimination, bad food and punishment @ boots. Soon ratings of 2 other ships joined them and sympathetic token strikes took place in over 75 ships.
  2. In next phase, people of Bombay descended on streets and expressed their solidarity with the ratings despite £ suppression. Soon situation turned violent and lathi-bhata battles were fought @ the barricades. The communists also poured in.
  3. The 3rd phase began when people all over the country began to express their support. Naval ratings in other parts of the country began to go on strike to express their solidarity.
  4. These uprisings were not a result of any particular group or party calling for one. But they were spontaneous uprisings and the support of people was spontaneous as well. Like all spontaneous things it was short lived.

Debate: Significance of Naval Revolt and Calcutta Uprisings

(a) Communist version – potentially game changers
  1. They argue that the communal unity witnessed in these uprisings, if built upon, could have avoided partition.
  2. RIN revolt is seen as the event which marked the end of £ rule as now the fundamental pillars of £ had revolted. These were violent, flagrant (in the face) challenges to £ raj.
(b) Nationalist version – limited significance
  1. Communal harmony seen in these uprisings was shallow and only cause specific. It was merely a sentimental solidarity and as soon as the cause went, rivalry resurfaced. These very cities witnessed communal riots only a few weeks later. Communalism had become too big a monster by then.
  2. RIN revolt was a manifestation of the mood of defiance prevalent in the country. People were convinced £ raj would end anytime. If not the naval revolt, such a mood would have found expression in form of something else.
  3. In the violent battles fought with the establishment, only the most radical elements fought, not the masses. Masses expressed support no doubt but they didn’t fight. Moreover the upsurges were short lived.
Peasant Movements and Tribal Uprisings
Resistance to colonial rule was therefore as old as the rule itself.
Factors
  1. £ rule in India which manifested itself in local issues. This led to high rents, control of forests, spurt in moneylending and indebtedness, displacement from land, new court and legal systems which protected the oppressors. The new legal system led to disruption of traditional ways of life and the poor had no recourse to justice.
  2. Christian missionaries.
  3. Breakdown of pre-Mughal compromise, creation of property right in land, restructuring of economy.
Nature & Character
Composition of Peasant Society in £ days
  1. It was a pyramidal agrarian society with ~70% being non owners of land. There were the rural land magnates who were building upon their power as landlords, there were rich peasants and there were poor peasants. £ rule managed to severely affect all the sections of Indian peasantry which drove them into revolting.
Pre-1857 Revolts
  1. These were apparently local in spread and support base. The apparent factors were also local in character. Most of these were a result of anguish against the new zamindars or moneylenders. Yet these were national and had underlying commonness in a sense. The factors were a manifestation of character of £ rule in India. The revolts though targeted against moneylenders, zamindars, had £ as ultimate target.
  2. They were not sudden isolated events but were the result of years of exploitation. Thus the tribal revolts of Bhils in 1819, Kolis in 1829 in Ahmadnagar were all due to interference of £ in the local society and economic restructuring.
  3. They were violent, backward looking in character. The leaders sometimes claimed religious powers. They revolved around medieval social setup.
  4. Ethnic and local ties were an important element in these revolts. Still not all outsiders were attacked and the poor ones facing similar conditions even helped them. Generally only the oppressors were attacked.
  5. They have also been labeled as ‘restorative rebellions’ as they were started by disaffected local rulers who were supported by the peasant via traditional caste, customs, ties and sought to reinstate the old order. The polygar revolts were an example. While the £ treated them as ordinary zamindars they were used to being sovereign powers in the post Vijaynagar kingdom era. The revolt of Velu Thampi of Travancore state is also an example.
These rebellions were a problem of law and order.
These were primary resistances i.e. a traditional society’s act of violent defiance, from which usually follows the imposition of colonial rule in response.
These were ‘pre-political’ uprisings, because of their lack of organization, programme and ideology.
The rebellions were not apolitical acts, they constituted political action that demonstrated the political consciousness of the peasant society.
  1. It is clear from the examples (Rangpur, Santhal, Faraizi, Moplah, Kol etc.) that the rebels had a clear awareness of the altered power relations in their society and a determination to overturn that structure of authority. They knew that the economic restructuring done by £ lay behind their grievances. They knew that their oppressors were zamindars, moneylenders, merchants and ultimately the £ and they attacked them only. They also knew their friends were other poor people.
  2. Their rebellions were open rebellions often conceived after long open political meetings and thus can’t be labeled as crimes. The rebels formed their own parallel governing structures, levied taxes to fund the rebellion and held parallel courts.
  3. They had a proper leadership and in many cases like Rangpur they even elected their leaders. In pre-capitalists societies where class consciousness is less developed, religion / ethnicity naturally plays an important rallying role. The leaders are often associated with divine powers and blessings from the gods. But this doesn’t mean they were mere religious or ethnic movements.

Shift in Character post-1857

  1. Pre 1857, they were generally under zamindars, princes. But they were crushed in 1857 or turned colonial allies. Post, they fought themselves. So the new revolts were modern in their outlook not regressive.
  2. Pre, they generally were violent. Post, the non-violence element grew in importance as a tool. The new movements also represented a sense of natural justice and strong notions of legitimacy. They didn’t kill money lenders just destroyed their books which were full of fraud. They didn’t resist against paying any LR but only what was considered unjust. Post 1857 revolts show higher level of unionism and political awareness. They began to use legal means.
  3. Earlier they were directed against £ but now they were directed against their immediate enemies like moneylenders, zamindars, planters. Earlier their target was £ colonialism and very broad wide reaching ones. Now their targets were immediate, specific and local and they went back to cultivation after these specific targets were met. These targets were invariably economical issues.
  4. While earlier revolts had a religion / ethnicity played an important role, the post revolts showed complete H-M unity. However this doesn’t mean that the earlier movements were religious movements. Religion, religious symbols, religious places, slogans etc. were just used to rally people behind what were essentially secular causes. Examples are the Satnami and Fakir movement, the Pagalpanthi sect of Tipu Shah in 1833.

Satnami and Fakir Movement, Bihar 1763 – 1800

  1. The dasnami sanyasis were armed wandering monks involved in landholding, moneylending and petty trade while the madari fakirs enjoyed rent free tenures and retained armed followers in Mughal days. Both these groups were affected by the £ as apart from the obvious economic factors £ couldn’t tolerate presence of armed strong groups in the countryside.

Impact

  1. They were a reason why 1857 revolt didn’t spread to S India, W and E. But they were source of inspiration and established a tradition of resistance.

Rangpur Ding (1783)

  1. This led to impeachment proceedings against Warren Hastings. The reason for the revolt was heavy tax assessment. The initiative was taken by the peasants themselves. The revenue farming system of Hastings had led to severe exploitation of peasants for the usual reasons. The peasants initially sent a petition to the £ asking for redress against the illegal activities of the ijardars like Debi Singh and Ganga Gobind Singh. When it fell on deaf ears, they organized themselves, elected their own leader, raised an army and fought with whatever primitive weapons they had. Both H-M peasants fought side by side and stopped paying revenue.
  2. They even sought to legitimize their move by invoking the pre-colonial symbols. Thus they began to call their leader ‘nawab’, started their own government and levied charges to meet the cost of their movement. It was suppressed by £ army.
Kol Rebellion, Chota Nagpur (1832)
  1. They used to enjoy independent power for centuries but £ rule threatened to transfer the powers of village headman from the tribal heads to outsiders. Also the ‘raja’ of Chota Nagpur began to drive out Kols who had lived there for centuries to farm out the land to outsiders for higher rent. This led to an uprising.
  2. The attackers went for the property of the outsiders and not their lives.
Wahabi Rebellion (1862)
  1. It was based on radical ideas and purity of Islam and was popular in NWFP @ Sittana. It was first preached by Abdul Wahab in Arabia and in India by Syed Ahmed of Barelli.

Faraizi Movement

  1. It developed under Haji Shariatullah and after him Dadu Mian. It sought to purify Islam by purging all un-Islamic beliefs and practices. Its social base was among the poor Muslim peasants of east Bengal and they revolted against £ planters, zamindars, and £ rulers.
  2. Their anger was against zamindars and both Hindu and Muslim zamindars had to suffer. They had a strong egalitarian philosophy and declared that land belonged to God and thus collecting rent or levying taxes was against divine law. They also levied taxes to meet the expenses and held local courts.

Mopla Rebellion in Malabar (1841-1920)

  1. Moplahs were descendants of Arab traders who had married local Hindu women. Later their ranks also swelled with the conversion of the emancipated slave caste of Cherumars in 1843 (Slavery Abolition Act). They were a community of petty traders, small tenants, landless labor and fishermen. The £ system deprived them of their lands and all the land ownership rights were given to the landlords. To this was added the usual £ exploitation and they were ready for a revolt in 1840s. But the peasants here were mostly muslims while the LL were Hindus.
  2. They rallied behind religious symbols, used religious places, raised religious slogans but their grievance was essentially for a secular cause.
  3. The 1920 rebellion had close connection with the Khilafat movement. Peasants could now see the true nature of £ rule and connect their local grievances with the national ones.
  4. However, once the repression began, the anti-government and anti-LL movement turned into communal riots. It was so badly crushed that they couldn’t dare to rise for the rest of their lives.

Santhal Hul (1855)

  1. It was directed mainly against dikus and petty government servants. Again they were driven into desperation by the transfer of their land to outsiders. By 1854, the tribal leaders had begun to discuss the possibility of a revolt.
  2. In 1855, an assembly of all local Santhals was called and it was decided to raise the banner of revolt. Their principal leaders, Sido and Kanhu, claimed to have blessings of God.
  3. People were mobilized, and in bands of 1500-2000, they attacked local dikus, zamindars, police stations etc. They were also helped by poor non-tribals.
  4. A massive military campaign was launched and they were suppressed. But a separate Santhal Parganas district was created.
Indigo Rebellion (1859-60)
Earlier Indigo Rebellions
  1. In 1832, Titu Mir rallied the local peasants in Bengal against the indigo planters. Then the Faraizi movement under Dudu Mian too had indigo planters as its targets.

Factors

  1. The indigo planters (mostly €) compelled the peasants to grow indigo on their best lands, gave loans in advance, bought output @ low rates, and recovered loans even if crops failed.
  2. Planters resorted to local goons to coerce peasants and in courts as well were difficult to be brought to justice. There was a saying ‘jay rakshak, tey bhakshak’.
  3. The revolt broke out when their cause seemed to get government support in 1859. The Lt. Governor of Bengal John Peter Grant was sympathetic to the peasants’ cause and the deputy magistrate of Kalaroa exceeding his capacity issued orders to police that indigo cultivators could not be coerced or evicted from their land. The news spread and peasants stopped growing indigo.

Nature & Character

  1. Initially the movement was peaceful but when it failed, the peasants took to violence. The planters came back with their goons and police. The peasants initially tried to get redress through official means. When they failed they resorted to violence and evicted the planters and police. This spread in entire Bengal and indigo cultivation was paralyzed.
  2. This saw unionization of peasants. They fought jointly. The peasants also collected themselves and filed class action suits in courts. Finally a committee was setup, planters closed their business and went away. Digambar and Vishnu Biswas were important leaders and Govindpur, Nadia, Murshidabad and Pabna were important centers.
  3. The panic struck planter lobby managed to get a legislation passed compelling the peasants to fulfill their current contractual obligations. But Grant refused to extend the legislation beyond its life of 6 months and issued orders to the magistrates not to compel the peasants. This saw peasants trying to get their objectives by using legal means. Shows level of awakening.
  4. It received the support of intelligentsia and press. Hindoo Patriot wrote articles supporting it, Nil Darpan was a play on it, Hindoo Patriot, Somprakash and £ Indian Association came to the side of the indigo peasants. Missionaries too supported the peasants. After the rebellion much of the indigo cultivation shifted from Bengal to Bihar where it had to wait the arrival of Gandhi to be stopped.

Agrarian League of Pabna / The Pabna Experiment (1873)

  1. The Rent Act of 1859 had some pro-tenant clauses and under the Act if a tenant was cultivating a piece of land continuously for 12 years he was entitled to protection of his tenancy rights by law. This movement was spurred by the attempts of landlords to destroy their occupancy rights by preventing the tenants from cultivating continuously for 12 years. Thus this movement clearly shows a high level of awareness by the peasants of their rights and the £ laws.
  2. The movement, though spearheaded by the high peasantry, had mass base among the lower peasants as well and it used non violent © means and courts for grievance redressal. It professed complete faith in sense of £ justice and in fact demanded to become the ryots of her majesty itself. They formed the Agrarian League to collect money and fight cases for their cause.
  3. Their successful experiment was repeated in other parts of Bengal as well. Due to their efforts, Bengal Tenancy Act 1885 was passed which provided for greater protection of tenancy rights. However, the middle class remained ambivalent since their interests naturally coincided with the landowning class (some of them being landowners themselves). This was the contradiction which remained till the very end. Thus the same Hindoo Patriot which had taken pro-peasant position in the indigo revolt now took a pro landlord position and so did the Amrita Bazar Patrika. But on the other hand, Bengalee took a pro peasant position.

Deccan Uprising (1875)

Factors

  1. It broke out in Supe village, Pune and Ahmadnagar under the Ryotwari system. But high LR had led to indebtedness at the hands of outsiders – the Marwaris and Gujjus. Earlier too the moneylenders used to lend tot he peasants but never took more intimate control over their lands. But the introduction of RS made land a tradable property and this led to large scale transfer of land to these elements and the original owner was not made the tenant cultivator on his own land.
  2. The US civil war had led to first a rise and then a sharp fall in cotton prices. This volatility had pauperized many.
  3. In 1867, the government raised LR by 50 – 200% (on the grounds of extension of cultivation and rise in prices) and then there were a series of bad harvests. So peasants fell into the clutches of money lenders.
  4. Role played by early nationalists like MG Ranade. He increased their awakening and asked them to resist the payment of enhanced LR.

Nature & Character – Riots or Revolt?

  1. The peasants tried to appeal to the sense of natural justice. They first tried to resort to customary punishments and norms which were peaceful. For example initially when they failed to persuade a moneylender from bringing down a peasant’s house, they resorted to his social boycott. This boycott soon spread to other areas.
  2. But only when the boycott proved ineffective that peasants resorted to violence. Even this violence was not aimed at taking lives but just to destroy the money lenders’ book of accounts which were the symbols of oppression and that too when they refused to peacefully hand it over. Thus the ‘rioters’ had clearly identified their target, their source of grievance, had a clear policy of addressing it and so this can’t be called a ‘riot’.
  3. The government suppression was again not brutal since the fight was never consciously against government. It even led to Deccan Agriculturists’ Relief Act, 1879. However the government failed to address the real causes of the revolt (high LR assessment and the associated inflexibility) and thus when the crops failed again in 1896-97 there was a no tax campaign again.
  4. It got support of intelligentsia. MG Ranade and his Poona Sarwajanik Sabha had played an important role in their awakening.
Munda Ulgulan (1899-00)
“… naughty boys making a disturbance in the schoolroom when they believed the school master’s attention was momentarily diverted”.
Indian Forests Act, 1878
  1. This act established complete government monopoly over the Indian forests. This was driven by the imperial need for commercial timber production. The act divided the forests into 3 categories – reserved, protected and unclassified. In the reserved forests government had a monopoly over all produce and felling of trees was completely prohibited. In protected forests the traditional right holders could collect timber for personal use but not for sale. Initially they could do it free of cost, but later government imposed charges for doing so.

Rampa Rebellion (1879)

  1. This broke out when the commercial exploitation of forests began, roadways were constructed and the infiltration of outsiders happened who began to take hold of their tribal lands and force them into bonded labor. The tribes used to practice shifting cultivation which was banned and their rights over forest produce were also charged by the £. The local muttudars often coerced by the tribals provided the leadership and religion played an important role.
Munda Revolt
  1. The Munda sardars had been struggling against the exploitation for over 30 years. Then came Birsa Munda who claimed to have vision of God and declared himself His prophet possessing magical powers. Under the influence of sardars, his religious movement soon turned political and he began to organize people against dikus. In 1899, he proclaimed a revolt.
  2. But what was more important was their greater awareness of the wider political realities of the colonial state. Birsa’s ambitions were no longer localized. The aim of his movement was no longer just to drive out the dikus, but to put an end to the Raj itself.

Peasant Movements of 1920s

Change in character compared to earlier uprisings

  1. Earlier movements were based on immediate local economic issues, later ones combined the local issues with the national ones. While the earlier movements lacked in their vision and understanding of the true nature of colonial rule, the later ones could clearly see that £ rule was the cause of their problems.
  2. The leadership was twin level now – local as well as national. Kisan sabha members used to attend INC sessions in large numbers. It was often impossible to distinguish the NCM meetings from peasant meetings. But in due course, due to adoption of violent means their distance with INM grew. This divergence has fueled the leftist argument that INC didn’t want power to go into radical hands.
  3. These movements were a result of the mass awakening and politicization of the peasants in the wake of NCM and constructive work of Congress workers. Examples are Bardoli where congress workers worked for the betterment of outcastes and gained their support. Similarly Kheda.
  4. The new movements had a wider social base since now both the high and low caste peasants were a part of it.

Nature & Character

  1. These were closely related to and exchanged liberally (methods, ideology as well as leaders) with the mainstream nationalist movement.
  2. They could clearly see that the ultimate £ rule was responsible for their miseries. This was the result of large scale politicization of the peasants in the wake of NCM and constructive work. Grass root level politicization was achieved through kisan sabhas, prabhat pheris, magic lanterns.
  3. It cut across caste lines and both high and low classes of peasants participated in it.
  4. The Oudh Kisan Sabha comprised of NCM peasants. It asked peasants not to pay illegal cesses, forced labor and eviction from land. It mainly relied on large scale demonstrations and passive resistance comprising lacs of peasants. However, after some time these movements tended to run violent against zamindars, money lenders and police. A classic example is the Eka Rebellion in UP. It began as a non-violent movement against illegal extraction of excess rent and oppression by local goons under the leadership of national leaders. However, soon grass root leaders emerged who began to use violent methods and the movement grew divergent from NCM.
  5. These movements didn’t aim at overturning property relations or had deep rooted socialistic mindset. They never wanted abolition of rent or zamindari system. They merely fought against illegal cesses and excess rent. The divergence of local leaders and national leaders on peasant movement reflects not the bourgeoisie bias of national leadership but their faith in non-violence methods.

Baba Ramchandra

  1. He was the grass root leader of Oudh Kisan Sabha.

Impact

  1. They showed success of constructive work done by the INC. INC could now rally both the high and low castes behind it.
  2. Success of these movements led to loss of prestige of £, loss of fear etc. Example in Bardoli, after the initial tax hike of 30%, the independent commission settled for a hike of 6% only.
  3. It had a domino effect. Success or mobilization @ one place led to mobilization in others. Every such effort brought swaraj nearer.
  4. It gave moral strength as well as mass strength to the mainstream INM. No mass movement can be successful without the participation of the class which comprises of 80% of the population.

Factors

  1. Exploitation. Zamindari powers had been increased following the revolt of 1857. Land settlement systems. No checks and illegal cesses.
  2. HRM. Its members initiated the process of organization of of the peasants in the Kisan Sabhas.

Peasant Movements in 1930s & 40s

Additional factors responsible
  1. Depression of 1929. No decrease in rent. Bakasht lands.
  2. CDM.
  3. Socialism. CSP worked to form kisan unions. All India Kisan Sabha was founded in 1936 and it had close contact with the mainstream nationalist leaders like JLN and Lohiya.
  4. Formation of Congress ministries in provinces.

Congress Ministries and Peasant Movements

  1. The peasant movements used tools of and were integrated with mainstream national movement. The main stress was on peasant mobilization and huge gatherings were organized which were addressed by national leaders as well. Such meetings would air peasant demands and pass resolutions. Campaigns or marches would be carried out in neighboring villages prior to such meetings. Sometimes long marches would be organized to press for peasant demands.
  2. Although each committee was local, all movements combined affected large parts of India. The demands were of a similar nature, methods used were similar and factors responsible were similar as well. When it became clear that congress ministries were not interested in following any real pro peasant programme (all the pro tenants legislations were significantly watered down in the face of the pressure from congress right) the peasants began to agitate to press on for their demands.
  3. In Malabar in 1938, meetings were organized for amending the tenancy laws, in AP 2000 peasants organized a march for 1500 miles and presented their petition to the provincial legislature which called for debt relief. In Bihar, effect of socialism was more pronounced, and in 1938 – 39 one lac strong rallies were organized protesting against congress and demands were raised to abolish zamindari. They also demanded the return of bakasht lands (lands confiscated in depression years for non-payment of rent and cultivated thereafter on a sharecropping basis). In Punjab, it was directed against the illegal feudal levies and excess rent and even spread to princely states. In Patiala, demand was raised to restore illegally confiscated land by officials. In UP too the congress government significantly watered down a legislation which was expected to reduce rent by half. In Odisha it was the same story and finally the peasants had to organize a mammoth rally in 1938. In all these provinces the congress governments used the government power to suppress these movements.
  4. When the WW2 broke out and Congress ministries resigned, these movements were subdued because of severe suppression by the government. Then due to the attitude of CPI, the communist and non-communist strands of peasant movements split.
  5. After the war, a new spirit was evident as freedom was anticipated and peasants began to assert their demands with new vigor. Zamindari abolition struggle gained primacy. In Bengal, the tebhaga struggle broke out where the sharecroppers said they would only pay one-third and not half the produce and store grains in their own godowns instead of landlords’ before sharing. Movements spread to princely states as well and turned violent there.

Kisan Sabha Movement in Bihar – Swami Sahajanand Saraswati

  1. In 1929 he founded the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha to mobilize the peasants against zamindar attacks on their occupancy rights. Initially it was meant to promote class harmony but by 1935 it increasingly adopted abolition of zamindari as its main programme.

Kisan Sabha Movement in AP – NG Ranga

  1. He organized a number of peasant marches in 1930s and also demanded abolition of zamindari. In 1935 he along with Namboodripad tried to take the movement to other linguistic areas of Madras presidency as well and formed the S Indian Federation of Peasants and Agricultural Labor. Next they made efforts for the establishment of an all India body.

Kisan Sabha Movement in Odisha

  1. This was led by CSP activists and they formed Utkal Kisan Sangha in 1935 and organized some militant peasant movements along the demand of zamindari abolition.

All India Kisan Sabha (1936)

  1. It was founded at the Lucknow session of the congress ion April 1936 with Sahajanand Saraswati as its first president. It brought out a Kisan manifesto which adopted radical demands like zamindari abolition, graduated LR on agricultural income, grant of occupancy rights to all tenants and scaling down of interest rates and debts.
  2. As a result of this body, Congress in its Faizpur session in December 1936 adopted the Agrarian Programme.

Impact

  1. They had a significant impact on the mainstream national movement. Impacted the policies and aims of Congress. This manifested itself in the Economic Policy, election manifesto and Planning Committee. IN most places, peasants enrolled for the kisan sabha and Congress simultaneously.
  2. They created the environment which necessitated the post-independence agrarian reforms. Thus zamindari system was abolished.
  3. Their impact on Congress was quite immediate and significant. As a part of the Quit India Movement, Congress explicitly stated that it believed that the land belonged to the tiller and not zamindar. If a zamindar was on government’s side, rent shouldn’t be paid to him at all.

Limitations

  1. Demands of agricultural laborers were not taken up.

Gandhian Phase

Rise of Gandhi

Debate #1 Gandhi’s Rise an Act of Manipulation?

  1. Gandhi’s Critics: He was a great manipulator. He systematically eliminated all other leadership.
  2. Real Reasons: (a) The INM was rudderless and directionless at that time. The old methods had failed, people were looking for alternatives. (b) There was already a leadership vacuum. (c) G was not a noob. He was known for his SAF affairs. His early successes in India too proved the same.

Socio – Economic Circumstances Around the Rise

  1. The phenomenal increase in defence expenditure during the war refused to come down even after the end of the war and kept on increasing. This meant heavy public debt and more taxes. Since LR was fixed in PS areas, indirect taxes on commerce were raised which stroked inflation. Thus the general prices from 1914 to 1920 nearly doubled.
  2. The growth of industry in the war period meant a growth in labor class as well. And they were the worst hit by the general rise in price levels.
  3. There was an under production of food crops and there were successive famines in 1919-20. Still the export of food grains continued unabated creating tough conditions in India. The prices of cash crops didn’t increase sufficiently and left the peasants dissatisfied. There was a marked increase in peasant indebtedness and hence a resulting loss of land rights. This also contributed to the massive growth of peasant consciousness and the kisan sabha movements around this time.
  4. The continued recruitment of Indians in the army was also breeding popular discontent.
Inclusivism became Gandhi’s unique style of politics.
  1. Highlight Gandhi vs swadesi here.

While Annie Besant failed, Gandhi succeeded in uniting both the moderates and the extremists.

  1. He claimed a centrist position and alienated none. He adopted the techniques more favorable to extremists and yet left the definition of swaraj open so that moderates could interpret it in their own way. His total emphasis on non violence too was to their liking.

The rise of Gandhi did not symbolize a radical restructuring of political life, rather it signified the rise of western educated and regional language literate elites of backward areas in place of the western educated leaders of the presidency towns.

  1. This school argues that Gandhi relied on a network of local elite people – the ‘sub contractors’ to mobilize popular support. However this is a gross underestimation – give usual explanations.
  2. Time and again the masses deviated from the path of non violence laid down by Gandhi while still believing at the same time that they were following Gandhi and establishing gandhi-raj. Gandhi himself, let alone his sub contractors, had little control over this Gandhi. In this sense he indeed represented a radical shift.
By offering an ideological critique of the western civilization in its modern phase, Gandhi was effectively contesting the moral legitimacy of the Raj that rested on a stated assumption of the superiority of the west.
  1. To Gandhi, parliamentary democracy didn’t reflect the general will of the people but merely that of the political parties which constricted the moral autonomy of the parliament in the name of party discipline. So for him it was not enough to achieve independence and then ‘perpetuate the £ rule without the £’; it was also essential to have an Indian alternative to the western political structures. His alternative was a concept of popular sovereignty where each individual controls his own self and that was his swaraj – something which had to be experienced by each one for himself.
  2. He always emphasized on the moral rightness which sprang from Indian religion. Also mention his views on class struggles. His strong point was that he based his ideology firmly in Indian culture and yet worked for inclusiveness – something like Ramkrishna although different methodology.

Gandhi was everything to everyone / Gandhi was the undisputed leader of a movement over which he had little control / To the masses, Gandhi was a symbol of freedom and not a source of ideological constraint.

  1. Time and again the masses deviated from the path of non violence laid down by Gandhi while still believing at the same time that they were following Gandhi and working to establish the Gandhi-Raj. Everybody had his or her own grievances with the colonial authority. By appealing to this sense and leaving vague the alternative, Gandhi got the imagination of the masses going. All of them had their own conceptualization of swaraj and all of them followed his call and fought for their swarajs.
  2. By the time his message reached the grass roots via the hierarchical structure of congress organization, it got transformed – interpreted @ each level according to its vision. What passed as a Gandhian mass movement actually contained in it various levels of consciousness informed by different visions of freedom.
  3. NCM: In Kheda the Patidar peasants started a no revenue campaign even without the formal approval of congress. In Oudh the peasants interpreted Gandhi Raj in their own way and initiated a struggle against the taluqdars and the movement continued in the form of Eka movement even after the congress broke off from it due to ensuing violence. Even Gandhi’s visit to Oudh failed to have much restraining impact on the peasants. In Odisha, peasants stopped paying rents and forest taxes even against the wishes of the local congress leaders and continued their stir even after the formal withdrawal of the NCM by the congress. There were rumors all around which shows that to the peasants swaraj meant an utopian state with no rent, no exploitation, no money lender, no zamindars. In Punjab the £ government deposed the ruler of Nabha for his support to Akalis. But when the resulting movement (to demand his restoration) turned violent Gandhi had to withdraw his support and yet it continued. The tribals of Kumaon and Garwahl fought violently for the end of bania raj of £ and the establishment of Gandhi raj. But they were not fighting merely for their own land, they raised slogans in praise of Gandhi and swatantra bharat. In Andhra the tribal leaders preached the Gandhian message of prohibition and khadi and yet advocated force for their emancipation. For Bengali tribals, wearing Gandhi cap or chanting his name meant protection from the police bullets.
  4. CDM: Women’s large scale appearance in the open street and participation in the agitational politics didn’t jeopardize their respectability as Gandhi’s name legitimized such actions as the sacred duty to the nation.
  5. QIM: “Do or die”. People accepted the challenge and interpreted it in their own way.
Here also lay the main paradox of Gandhian politics, for he wanted not just any ass upsurge, but a ‘controlled mass movement’ which would strictly adhere to his prescribed path.
  1. During the NCM when the prince of Wales arrived in India there was violence in Bombay. Gandhi was incensed and he postponed the no revenue campaign which was to begin from Bardoli and also the full scale CDM was postponed.
Rowlatt Satyagraha

Story

  1. The government was trying to push 2 unpopular Rowlatt Bills through the legislation. Despite the opposition of all elected members, such Bills were made into laws. This showed complete disregard of public opinion by the government.
  2. The cadres of HRM were only too eager to join the nationalist calls. They became the mainstay of the Rowlatt Satyagraha. It was decided to observe a nationwide hartal against the Bills on April 6.
  3. However, the hartals turned violent and G was forced to withdraw it on April 18.

Significance

  1. As a political campaign it failed for it failed to achieve its only state goal – to repeal the Rowlatt Acts. It lapsed into violence as well. It was limited to certain cities only and failed to have any impact in vast regions of India. However, in its failure it highlighted the necessity of a well oiled organizational machinery for the success of a mass movement. This prompted G to introduce many changes in the Congress organization. G emerged as the supreme leader.
  2. It led to the melting of any goodwill GoI Act 1919 could have created and led to its failure.

NCM

Factors Responsible

  1. Nature of £ rule in India.
  2. Failure of earlier efforts.
  3. Contribution of previous efforts like HRM and Rowlatt Satyagraha in awakening the masses.
  4. Enaction of Rowlatt Acts and GoI Act, 1919 increased disillusion. Khilafat question (Treaty of Sevres) exposed £ intent. Jalliawalah Bagh response of £. £ government refused to prosecute Dyer and £ public actually contributed money for his cause.

Khilafat Movement – It was thus a pan Islamic movement in all its appearance as the cause had nothing to do with India

  1. It had 3 main demands – (a) Caliph must retain control over Muslim holy places, (b) his pre war territories must be restored to him so that he can maintain his position as the muslim head, (c) Arabia, Syria, Iraq and Palestine must not be under non muslim sovereignty.
  2. But Khilafat was being used more as a symbol while the leaders actually had little concern about altering the political realities in the middle east. It was a found to be a symbol that could unite the Indian muslims divided across various regional, class, sectarian lines completely. It was essentially anti £ in character and thus it had everything to do with Indian cause. In fact this is what led Gandhi to support it.
  3. When its demands were not met, the Khilafat committee decided to launch a 4 stage NCM – boycott of titles; boycott of civil services and police; boycott of army and finally non payment of taxes.

Gandhi’s goal was to forge a grand coalition of various classes and communities and in this sense the Nagpur congress symbolized the emergence of a centrist leadership within the pluralist structure of political India.

  1. Gandhi wanted to launch the NC with the aim to redress the khilafat wrong, the punjab wrong, and to attain swaraj. The special session of congress @ Calcutta in September 1920 approved Gandhian programme of an extra © passive resistance despite stiff resistance from the old liberal guard.
  2. There was politics until the December session @ Nagpur but Gandhian resolutions prevailed. Gandhi needed the congress because without its organization (as he had realized in the Rowlatt satyagrah) he could not have organized a mass movement. Congress despite its many voices needed Gandhi because he was the only leader capable of drawing mass support. He had the muslims behind him, he had the untouchables behind him, he had the labor behind him, he had the peasants behind him.
  3. Also Congress was restructured to transform itself into a truly mass party.

Significance

  1. 1st great mass movement. Widened social base of INM.
  2. Fear of £ rule was erased from the minds and hearts. It highlighted the effectiveness of G technique. £ can do nothing against peaceful masses. Expressed the power of ‘dumb millions’ of India.
  3. Triggered women liberation movements, peasant movements as women were drawn into it in large numbers.
  4. Sudden withdrawal led to disillusionment and growth of REM.

Debate #1 Gandhiji’s Intent Behind NCM’s Withdrawal?

  1. Leftist Interpretation (Palme Dutt): G was afraid of growing militancy and radicalization of movement as it soared among the farmers and workers. He feared that they would take over and destroy the capitalist elements for who he cared. They also as a proof point out to the withdrawal statement where G advised peasants to pay rents.
  2. Real Reason: He feared that with increasing violence the movement will lose its moral strength. Government will use violence in one place as an excuse to crack down on peaceful protests at another. The civil disobedience movement will fail even before beginning. Also it was clear that NCM was fatiguing. This is the character of all mass movements. He wanted to exit with honor. Leftist argument is hollow because the peasants in Chauri Chaura did so because of oppressions of police and not against LL or tried to overturn the structure of property relations. Congress had at no point sanctioned non-payment of taxes or withhold the rent. So the statement was merely a restatement of its policy.

The most significant aspects of NCM were, however, its uneven geographical spread and wide regional variations.

  1. Middle class participation was not spectacular, as revealed by the school, court boycott records, whereas the participation of the peasants and the working class was impressive. Except in Madras the council election boycott was successful everywhere with the voting % being < 5%.
  2. Economic boycott was very successful as the £ imports dropped by half. Partly responsible for this immense success was the active participation of the traders and businessmen who pledged not to deal in foreign cloth and generously contributed to the Tilak Swaraj Fund. However the large industrialists remained neutral or pro government during this period.
  3. Gandhian social movements which were associated with NCM also achieved fair amount of success. Anti liquor campaign saw a significant drop in the liquor revenue realized from Punjab, Madras, Bihar and Odisha. H-M unity remained impeccable throughout the period except in Malabar (the mopillahs). Although Gandhi himself was involved in the anti-untouchability campaign, it remained as secondary for most congressmen.
  4. NCM was marked by the participation of regions and classes which had not participated to any appreciable extent in any of the congress movements until then. Thus there was significant peasant participation in Rajasthan, Sind, Gujarat, Oudh, Bihar, Assam and Maharastra. In S India only Karnataka lagged behind and participation was impressive in AP, Kerala and TN.
  5. Among the SCs, there was significant participation from Maharastra and AP while among the tribals AP delta and Bengal led. Labor unrest was high in Madras (cotton mill workers invited the congress leaders to give leadership), Bengal (massive strike waves in industrial establishments throughout the NCM) and Assam (tea gardens, Assam – Bengal railways), Ahemdabad (at least 1 strike per month).
  6. In Kheda the Patidar peasants started a no revenue campaign even without the formal approval of congress. In Oudh the peasants interpreted Gandhi Raj in their own way and initiated a struggle against the taluqdars and the movement continued even after the congress broke off from it due to ensuing violence. Even Gandhi’s visit to Oudh failed to have much restraining impact on the peasants. In Odisha, peasants stopped paying rents and forest taxes even against the wishes of the local congress leaders and continued their stir even after the formal withdrawal of the NCM by the congress. There were rumors all around which shows that to the peasants swaraj meant an utopian state with no rent, no exploitation, no money lender, no zamindars. In Punjab the £ government deposed the ruler of Nabha for his support to Akalis. But when the resulting movement (to demand his restoration) turned violent Gandhi had to withdraw his support and yet it continued. The tribals of Kumaon and Garwahl fought violently for the end of bania raj of £ and the establishment of Gandhi raj. But they were not fighting merely for their own land, they raised slogans in praise of Gandhi and swatantra bharat. In Andhra the tribal leaders preached the Gandhian message of prohibition and khadi and yet advocated force for their emancipation. For Bengali tribals, wearing Gandhi cap or chanting his name meant protection from the police bullets.

NCM – Khilafat Equation

  1. It soon became clear that the khilafat leaders had accepted the Gandhian concept of non violence opportunistically so as to take the advantage of Gandhi’s charismatic appeal than out of any genuine belief in the principle. The leaders couldn’t (perhaps deliberately) control the situation when it turned violent specially in the Malabar.
  2. They also brought in ulammas in large scale, resorted to excessive use of religious symbols and rhetoric and evoked religious sentiments among the Muslims. Thus effectively khilafat began to promote communalism. Thus differences emerged between Gandhi and the Ali brothers over the use of religious rhetoric. As a result, by the end of the NCM there was a visible breach in H-M unity and communal riots occurred in 1922-23.

Akali Movement – “… the largest and longest application of the Gandhian programme of satyagraha.”

  1. In 1920, SGPC was formed and its aims were to reform the Sikh gurudwaras and reclaim the control of Sikh shrines from the hands of government manipulated loyalists. Akali Dal was its auxiliary and was formed to coordinate the satyagrahi jatthas to wrest the control of the shrines. While on the face it appears a communal movement, in reality it received wide support because of the imposition of martial law and Jalliawallah excesses. It was this discontent which was pouring out.
  2. Akalis received active support from Gandhi and congress and were ultimately able to force the government to surrender the control of the shrines.
Swarajists
There was a ‘crisis of unity’ after the NCM.
  1. Talk of swarajists – no changers; talk of H-M unity; talk of division in ML; talk of rise in political mobilization of dalits under Ambedkar.

G’s Approach to Swarajists

  1. G was against the idea. When he was released from jail in 1924, £ hoped he would throw them out. But he worked to avoid a split at any cost. He held his fundamental stand and yet accommodated them.
  2. He never criticized then in public and only highlighted their love for the country. When the government began to arrest Swarajists for their support to revolutionaries, Gandhiji used the opportunity to accommodate them fully and still hold high ground by showing full solidarity and surrendering to them against £ repression.
  3. In November 1924, he ended the rift by signing a joint statement where INC declared that swarajists will carry out INC work in legislatures.

Reasons for Failure

  1. Their strategy was doomed to fail. Swaraj could never be won by constitutional means.
  2. Their internal differences weakened them.
  3. They began to deviate from their stated path of non-cooperation and began to cooperate with the government.
  4. Appointment of Simon Commission made their existence irrelevant.

Constructive Work

Methods Used

  1. They sought to educate the upper castes about the evils of untouchability.
  2. They also worked directly among outcastes and educated them, asked them to mend some evil practices. Night schools were organized for adults, day schools for children. They condemned the Hali system i.e. hereditary labor to serve upper class land owners, exploitation by money lenders and exploitation of women by high caste men.
  3. They used tribal dialects, composed tribal literature and music. Bhajan mandalis were organized to recite prayers among tribals.
  4. They also led movements like Bardoli movement.

Significance

  1. Tribals, untouchables integrated. It gave moral strength to Congress led movement.
  2. It promoted grass root level leadership and extended depth of Congress organization.
CDM
Gandhi had to devise a strategy to break out of this impasse and impute a broader meaning into the word ‘independence’ as opposed to its narrower political connotation that had such a divisive impact.
  1. The 1929 Lahore declaration proclaimed complete independence as the goal of congress and the intention to launch a CDM to attain it. But the reactions of many groups was not so embracing.
  2. Many muslim leaders of congress were unhappy as communal unity (which was a precondition to the success of the movement) was still not there. ML opposed it since they saw it as a sinister design of the congress to establish a hindu raj. Sikhs had grown distant from the congress and even hindu mahasabha declared its opposition to the movement. Business houses too were apprehensive of the unconstitutional movement.
  3. In this impasse, Gandhi placed an 11 point demand before Irwin and a failure to accept them would necessitate the launch of the movement. These 11 demands contained something for everybody. 6 were issues of general interest – reduction of military and civil services expenditure, total prohibition, discharge of political prisoners not convicted of murder, reform of CID, its popular control and amendment to the arms act. 3 were pro business demands – revaluation of INR, protective tariffs and reservation of coastal shipping for Indians. 2 were peasant demands – 50% reduction in LR, abolition of salt tax and government monopoly on salt. Since salt was an emotional issue with universal appeal, he chose to launch CDM by violating the salt law.

CDM Programme

  1. The violation of salt law would be followed by boycott of foreign cloth and liquor, then non payment of revenue in ryotwari areas, non payment of chaukidari tax in zamindari areas and violation of forest laws in central provinces.
Spread
  1. NWFP: Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan launched the Red Shirt Movement. Nationalist protests were organized and even the soldiers of Garhwal regiment refused to fire on the protestors.
  2. UP: The peasant movements became indistinguishable with the CDM and No Rent Campaigns became a part of the movement. Prabhat pheris, magic lanterns and peasant meetings became main methods.
  3. Gujarat: Salt satyagraha, no rent campaigns etc. were organized. The satyagrahis used to march towards salt depots in waves. When one wave fell to police blows, the next came and so on.
  4. MP, Maharastra, Karnataka: Anti-forest laws campaigns, salt satyagraha, workers’ movements were organized. The Sholapur Rebellion of workers is too well known. In Nagpur the participation of the workers was again immense. There were massive strikes in the Grand Indian Peninsular railways and also in docks.
  5. E India: Anti-chowkidari tax campaigns (Bihar), anti-municipality tax (Bengal) were organized. Assam organized anti-Cunningham Circular campaign which asked for parents to furnish a guarantee of the ‘good’ behavior of their wards. In Nagaland, Rani Gaidinliu was jailed until independence.
  6. S India: Flag agitations, salt satyagraha were organized.
  7. Economic: The £ imports declined by half. Depression contributed to it but most of it was due to CDM.
  8. Women participation: They really broke the gates and CDM witnessed massive women participation. Their appearance in the open street and participation in the agitational politics didn’t jeopardize their respectability as Gandhi’s name legitimized such actions as the sacred duty to the nation.
  9. Untouchables: In Nagpur and Berar which were strongholds of Ambedkar, the CDM failed to enlist much support among the untouchables.

Capitalists’ Movements

Factors Responsible – Indian capitalist class had developed a long term contradiction with imperialism while retaining a relationship of short term dependence on an accommodation with it.
  1. Indian capitalists didn’t grow up as junior partners to £ and were an independent class. Their interests often clashed with £ interests. In 20th century, they had emerged as a strong class dominating most of the organized industrial base in India. This made it easier for them to organize. Some early capitalist organizations were Bengal National Chamber of Commerce in 1887 and Indian Merchants’ Chamber in 1907 @ Bombay. This growth was not a result of colonialism but happened in spite of colonialism. Thus @ the even of the launch of CDM they had huge unsold stocks with them and yet the government refused to impose any customs duty. Now they realized earlier on that Congress was essential for their demands to be met. £ won’t listen to them sans Congress backing. So they supported Congress.
  2. Indian business group, however, were far from one voice. Thus the industrialists were generally neutral or pro government and were eager to broker peace in the CDM. The traders and the marketers on the other hand remained staunch supporters of Gandhi.
  3. But at the same time they were also wary of the methods used by the Congress. They realized that unconstitutional methods of CDM are necessary to press £ but they followed these only till the point their demands could be met and not more or else a fight against imperialism might turn a fight against capitalism. They formed its right wing and tended to be the first ones to pull it towards constitutional process as soon as they realized their demands would be met.

Many Voices in the Capitalist Class

  1. While the WW1 brought immense profitability to the industrialists, the merchants (who were mainly importers) suffered due to currency fluctuation and stoppage of imports. The rupee devaluation by 30% threatened to saddle them with losses.
  2. The 1919 reforms, based on its policy of interest representation, also promised to give political representation to the industrialist class. Furthermore the £ promised a policy of protection from imports. This drew the industrialists closer to the £ and their participation in the NCM was little though Birla and Bajaj became close associates of Gandhi. But Tata and Purshottamdas Thakurdas formed an anti NCM Society. On the other hand, merchants were alienated by the £ and also Gandhi’s moral religious values, his trusteeship theory etc. all appealed to them and they were active participants in NCM.
  3. Post NCM the worsening economic conditions brought the industrialists as well closer to congress and they actively participated with the swarajists. Moreover when due to opposition from the Lancashire lobby the government matched a customs duty hike with a hike in excise duty they realized that aligning with the government only was futile. There was a rising threat of communism as well and they needed to come close to congress in order to prevent its communist takeover!

Nature & Character of Capitalists’ Policy

  1. Some early efforts were made by leading industrialists and in 1927 FICCI was formed. £ soon recognized FICCI as representative of capitalist class in the hope of keeping a check on INM. On the other hand, the Indian capitalists saw FICCI as a guardian of Indian economic interests.
  2. FICCI (1st head was Purshottamdas Thakurdas) was closely integrated with INM as well and its leaders clearly emphasized the need to support Congress. So while they supported CDM, they were opposed to its continuation for long lest it becomes revolutionary and threaten the existence of capitalist class. Also they felt that they had reached a point where the demands of their class could be met and thus brokered for truce. They supported constitutionalism. The traders were active in implementing the boycott of foreign goods and factory owners pledged to not manufacture coarse cloth which competed directly with the charkha cloth.
  3. However opposed the capitalists may be to CDM in its last days, they never supported the repression unleashed by the colonial government. They needed Congress. But at no stage did they dominate the Congress. Congress’ policies were becoming increasingly pro-people, they were not mainly dependent on business class for funds, their organizational strength was far too superior and the leadership was far too decentralized and connected to people.
  4. After the CDM when the government announced the proposal of an Imperial Economic Conference @ Ottawa in 1932 to foster a close economic relationship between the different industries of the empire, FICCI was initially enthusiastic but the viceroy turned down its offer and sent only some loyalist industrialists. Thus the Ottawa Agreement of 1932, despite promising some real benefits to Indian business, got a lukewarm response from FICCI.
  5. In QIM, the capitalist class supported the underground leaders of the movement. Sumati Morarji helped Achyut Patwardhan in evading arrest by providing him different cars.
Women Movements
The male reformers of 19th century treated women as subjects of their modernizing project and could not imagine them to be their conscious equals claiming agency for their own emancipation.
It was in this area that there was a broad degree of consensus between the colonial state and the nationalist male elites.
  1. The education meant for women was never for the emancipation of women. The colonial government wanted female education as it wanted educated wives so that the english speaking mothers could inculcate loyalty and english taste in the children from the beginning. The educated middle class males dreamt of the Victorian ideal of companionate marriage and in Bengal the educated bhadramahila appeared to be an ideal companion to the bhadrapurush. This new concept of womanhood was a fine blending of the self sacrificing hindu wife and the Victorian helpmate.
  2. It must be noted that while such people encouraged women education, they considered the wrongly educated or the over educated women as a threat. Similarly muslims educators of women too wanted women who would be better wives, better mothers and better muslims.
  3. Even when the women worked their reproductive role was considered primary and productive role secondary and their incomes were considered to be supplementary only. Thus they received low wages and were first to be fired and were not expected to take part in labor agitations. One Pandita Ramabai took the lead and started Arya Mahila Samaj in Maharastra. She also started Mukti Mission and Sharda Sadan to uplift the condition of widows. She also defied many of the social practices like hypogamy, seclusion, conversion etc. And she was equally criticized by reformers and conservatives.
  4. As reformism gave way to revival, Hindu woman became an ideal emblem of the moral order  – uncontaminated by the influence of west – that symbolized their India. The degraded condition of women was often used as an attack on Indian culture, so hindu revivalists often imagined a golden past where women were treated with dignity and honor. Icons of mother india were created, laxmi had deserted India due to £ and now one had to bring her back. The revivalist nationalists too emphasized on her reproductive potential by emphasizing on her motherhood. Thus even in the early revolutionary movement there were a few women who participated but they were assigned secondary roles only and not the main roles. In swadesi, the participation of women became an extension of their household duties vis to follow their husbands. Participation of women was highest where the husbands too participated. In cases where they defied the husband’s command and went on the streets, she was immediately disowned. And when they participated their role was confined to that of staying between women and picketing shops.
See also  Constitution Development Process UPSC 2023

It was Gandhi’s name which ensured that even after marching on the streets, going to jail, suffering indignity there women could come back to their families with no stigma attached.

  1. It was Gandhi who changed this concept and shifted the emphasis from their reproductive power to their selfless sacrificing power. He always held men and women equal and he had already seen their capacity of sacrifice in SAF and he sought to harness it. Thus women flocked in his movements in masses and yet it wasn’t considered to be demeaning, for answering Gandhi’s call had become a religious duty. Thus Basanti Devi, Urmilla Devi and Suniti Devi (relatives of CR Das) stunned the nation by participating in open demonstration on the streets of Calcutta and courting arrest. CDM opened the floodgates. As an influence of Gandhi the nature of participation of women in the revolutionary activities too went a fundamental change as now they actually started shooting guns.

Muslim Reforms and Women

  1. These movements made women a center measurement scale to measure ‘progress’. In a high status muslim home, women would be in purdah – physical as well as psychological.

Women Movements

  1. Radhakanta Deb started the School Book Society for women education. In 1882, Tarabai Shinde wrote a book A comparison between men and women which protested against the exploitation of women. Yet she was no rebel for she merely wanted a dignified space for women within the household. Pandita Ramabai took the lead and started Arya Mahila Samaj in Maharastra. She also started Mukti Mission and Sharda Sadan to uplift the condition of widows. She also defied many of the social practices like hypogamy, seclusion, conversion etc. And she was equally criticized by reformers and conservatives. Rashtriya Stree Sangha and Des Sevika Sangha were setup as auxiliary bodies to congress.
  2. Hunter commission of 1882 also noted that 98% of women in India were illiterate and recommended special funds to be set apart for their education.
  3. IN 1917, Women’s Indian Association appeared @ Madras and it was started by the enlightened european and Indian ladies like Margaret Cousins and Annie Besant. In 1925 National Council of Women in India was setup as a branch of the International Council of Women by Tata’s wife. The most important organization was the All India Women’s Conference in 1927 – initially as a non political body – to promote education by Margaret Cousins. Later it lobbied for other female rights as well including political. Sarala Devi Chaudhurani founded Bharat Stree Mahamandal on 1910 @ Allahbad to promote education. In Bengal, Bengal Women’s Education League was founded for the same purpose. However, instead of preparing a mass base, these organizations relied on petitioning the £ and appealing to the nationalists. While the £ remained unsympathetic, the nationalists took up their cause somewhat.
  4. These women organizations failed to create a distinct feminine consciousness in India for although they recognized the central role of women in public, they envisioned such a role to be constrained within some social, physical, psychological norms.
  5. This concept was only seriously challenged in 1940s when (as we can see in QIM) women began to claim their rightful place as equal partners. Sucheta Kriplani coordinated the non violent movement, Aruna Asaf Ali coordinated the underground activities, rural women participated on their own account in the QIM. SC Bose in 1928 was instrumental in raising under the leadership of Latika Ghose a congress women volunteer corps which marched on Calcutta streets in full uniform and later in INA he formed a women’s regiment.

By the turn of the 19th century, whatever be said, the fact remains that a number of women in the middle class hindu households were educated. But this did not improve the conditions of their social existence very remarkably.

  1. This was because the motivation of such education was never the emancipation of women. The colonial government wanted female education as it wanted educated wives so that the english speaking mothers could inculcate loyalty and english taste in the children from the beginning. The educated middle class males dreamt of the Victorian ideal of companionate marriage and in Bengal the educated bhadramahila appeared to be an ideal companion to the bhadrapurush. This new concept of womanhood was a fine blending of the self sacrificing hindu wife and the Victorian helpmate.
  2. It must be noted that while such people encouraged women education, they considered the wrongly educated or the over educated women as a threat. Similarly muslims educators of women too wanted women who would be better wives, better mothers and better muslims.

Did the INM activism and politicization of women promote a feminist consciousness in India?

  1. For the wider society, the answer is clearly no. The reasons are obvious – the framework in which women used to participate.
  2. But for those women who led these movements, life could perhaps never be same again.

Indian Youth & Student Movements

  1. Many of them participated in constructive work.
  2. They gave militant flavor to anti-Simon agitations and rose to prominence thereafter. JLN and SC Bose were prominent youth leaders.
  3. The rise of youth elements also led to the radicalization and socialization of the INM.

Lower Class Movements

Phase 1 (Till 1919)

  1. The moderate leadership was elitist, middle class. They definitely couldn’t take up the cause of untouchables. The extremist leadership was lower middle class and rested heavily on the support of caste people. So they too couldn’t alienate them by taking up cause of untouchables.
  2. The winds of change however couldn’t leave them isolated and in 1917, INC passed a resolution condemning untouchability. But nothing concrete was done in this phase.

Factors Behind Mobilization

  1. There was a growing realization of the significance of the new sources of status i.e. education, government jobs, political participation and an awareness that these new sources of status too had been monopolized by the brahmans. In this the £ policies and Christian missionaries helped a lot. In fact for some time it was believed that one way of protest against the caste disabilities was to convert into christianity but it failed for obvious reasons. But as a result organized caste movements began to grow in many parts of the country – Ezhavas and Pulayas in Kerala, Chamars in Punjab, UP and Chattisgarh, Nadars in TN, Namasudras in Bengal.
  2. Another important factor behind their mobilization was the spread of the message of bhakti. Thus Sri Narayan Dharma Paripalna Yogam worked among the Ezhavas and Matua among the Namasudras and preached the message of equality. There was the Adi Hindu movement among the chamars in UP.
  3. There ensued a process of Sanskritization among the lower classes where those with social mobility ambitions chose to follow the customs of higher caste hindus like sati, child marriage, women seclusion etc. There were other social movements as well.
  4. At the same time the increasing hindu revivalist tendencies also alarmed them because if for the brahman hindus the ancient age was a golden age and the present was a dark age, for untouchables it was the opposite.

Jyotirao Phule and Satyashodak Samaj in Maharastra

  1. He argued that it was brahman domination and their monopoly over the sources of power which led to exploitation of the Shudras and ati-shudras. So he turned the orientalist theory of Aryan invasion upside down. He argued that the shudras and the ati-shudras being the original inhabitants should have a higher status than the brahman aryas and thus there was a need for a social revolution. He tried to unite the lower peasantry as well as lower caste labor.
  2. Even when after the 1919 Reforms when there was a schism in the movement with the upper caste (but non brahman) elements breaking off to fight elections, satyashodak samaj continued to mobilize the dalits. In 1930s it came close to Gandhian movement and merged into it and in this merger Kesavrao Jedhe played an important role.

Madras Presidency Movements – Justice Party, MC Rajah and Periyar

  1. Here it was associated with creating a distinct dravidian identity as well. By the late 19th century, brahmans consisted of < 3% of the population but monopolized over 42% of the government jobs. They showed a public disdain for Tamil and the dravidian culture and ethnicity. This motivated the Velalas to mobilize to uphold the dravidian entity and in this they were aided by the christian missionaries who emphasized on the antiquity of Tamil and the dravidian culture. They also argued that the status of shudra was an imposed one which the northern brahmans had done so and the caste system as well was not indigenous to Tamil land.
  2. In 1916 Justice Party was formed as a formal political party of non brahmans to demand for separate political representation of the non brahmans and it defied the NCM and participated in the elections of 1920. Naturally it won a big victory. But soon it became clear that it represented only the richer classes and thus its social base narrowed as the untouchables moved away under the leadership of MC Rajah. MC Rajah drew closer to congress and even participated in CDM making it a resounding success in TN.
  3. Soon another movement, the Self Respect movement by EV Ramaswamy Naicker Periyar developed which was very radical and championed the dravidian entity and Tamil language. He had left congress in 1925 accusing it to be a brahman organization and then worked to mobilize the dalits. He believed that self respect was needed before self rule. Associating Sanskrit and north India with brahmans he launched scathing attacks on both. He turned Ramayna upside down and portrayed Ravana as the ideal south indian king. He organized many programmes of temple entry and public burning of manu smriti. When in 1937 C Rajgopalachari proposed the introduction of Hindi in TN, he fiercely opposed it. In 1944 he became the DMK.

Phase 2 (1919- 1934)

 

  1. By this phase the character of INM had changed. Masses were the key. G was a champion of lower classes as well. So he drew them in through constructive work. He also gave them the name Harijan and began to support the temple entry movements.
  2. The lower caste groups in order to assert themselves tried to appropriate collectively some visible symbols like temple entry, sacred thread, rituals, community pujas etc. hitherto reserved for the higher castes. Such movements were particularly strong in Kerala the most important being Vaikkam satyagraha in 1924-25 and the Guruvayur satyagraha in 1931-33. There was Mushiganj Kali temple Satyagraha in Bengal in 1929 and Kalaram satyagraha in nasik in 1930-35. Local and national Congress leaders actively participated in a few and organized satyagrahs and eventually won them temple entries. These temple entry movements created the widest possible unity. People from highest castes to the lowest outcastes broke social customs and fought together. People and leaders from all over the country flocked in and fought. All the methods of INM were used. In Chattisgarh the chamars reinterpreted the religious symbols to even assert their supremacy over the brahmans. Apart from the religious rights the lower castes also demanded social rights and when denied organized themselves. Thus the was an attempt by Nadar women in Kerala to cover their breasts like the higher caste women and this was violently resisted in 1859. This issue flared up again in 1905 between the Ezhavas and the Nairs in Quilon in 1905. In Bengal when the high caste kayasthas refused to attend the funeral ceremony of namasudras they resorted to a boycott of working in their fields. In 1927 in Mahad, Ambedkar organized a satyagraha to demand water from the public tank.
  3. Then came the political mobilization and this was led by Ambedkar. In 1927 he publicly burnt a manu smriti. In 1934 he wrote to the temple satyagrahis emphasizing the futility of temple movements and instead urging them to focus on political representation and education. If political gates are opened, temple gates would automatically open. He believed that dalit grievances could be redressed only by a complete overhaul of hindu society and not just by a reformist approach. In 1936 he founded Independent Labor Party to mobilize the poor and the untouchables and in 1942 All India SC Conference @ Nagpur with its © claiming dalits to be separate from hindus.
  4. Gandhi distinguished between issue of untouchability and endogamy + dining restrictions. He wanted INM to focus on untouchability but not on endogamy + dining restrictions because these were not disabilities imposed on Dalits and were practiced among Dalits and among caste people as well. Ambedkar asserted that untouchability was an outcome of caste system, so caste system should be abolished. Gandhiji believed untouchability was a product of thinking of ‘high and low’ and had nothing to do with caste system so caste system needn’t be abolished. Moreover Gandhi’s approach was to dignify the untouchables and to remove various disabilities imposed on them. But Ambedkar focused more on empowerment.

Communal Award of 1932

  1. When the Communal Award, 1932 gave separate electorates to Dalits, Gandhiji opposed the communal electorates for Dalits and demanded that increased number of seats be reserved for them but they should be elected by everyone. He undertook 2 major fasts to press for his demand on this issue. Ambedkar on the other hand supported the Award while MC Rajah opposed it since he favored a joint electorate.
  2. After the Poona Pact there was a cooperation between Gandhi and Ambedkar for some time and it led to founding the Harijan Sevak Sangh but it failed to last for long.

But unlike Muslim breakaway politics, dalit self assertion did not go very far and their politics was soon appropriated in the INM in 1940s

  1. Ambedkar found in 1942 All India SC Conference @ Nagpur with its © claiming dalits to be separate from hindus. But still it couldn’t break away dalits from INM fold. One reason is that not many dalits believed in his separatist politics and Gandhi had acquired immense popularity even among them. His constructive work programme naturally played a big role in allaying their concerns. This lack of mass support made his movement weak and he couldn’t play another Jinnah.
  2. In 1946 elections his party won only 2 out of 151 reserved seats and on this basis Cabinet Mission could safely conclude that congress was a genuine representative of the dalits. Even now a furious Ambedkar tried to prove his base by trying to initiate a mass satyagraha but failed to get much support. Then congress absorbed him into the © assembly.
Princely India
Factors Responsible
  1. Exploitative nature and character of £ and princely rule. It was worse than in provinces.
  2. REM.
  3. Khilafat and NCM led to growth of praja mandals in states.

Phase 1 (1920 – 1939)

  1. The princely states had never been completely insulated from the happenings in £ India and both the nationalistic politics and the communal tension spilled over onto them. Thus in 1921 in Sirohi, Motilal led a Bhil movement in Sirohi to protest against the jagirdari oppression. The rulers of Alwar and Bharatpur became ardent supporters of hindu revivalist project and actively patronized Arya samaj activities.
  2. Congress allowed people of states to join Congress but barred them from carrying out activities in states in the name of Congress. They could carry out such activities only under local organizations or individual capacity. Thus the main emphasis was that the people of states should build up their own strength. Informal links remained close and throughout the decade praja mandals began to come up which eventually formed the All India States’ People’s Conference in 1927. In 1928, congress passed a resolution calling upon princes to grant a responsible government in their states.
  3. Reason for such a policy was general lack of civil liberties in states including freedom of association, their independent legal status, and comparative political backwardness of people of the states.

Phase 2 (1939 – 1947)

  1. The policy changed for closer integration for 3 reasons. (a) The GoI Act, 1935 envisaged a federation where states would be able to send their representatives to upper house. These representatives would constitute one-third of the strength of upper house and would be nominated by the princes, hence form a solid reactionary bloc. This led to a great sense of urgency for responsible governments in states. (b) Congress ministries. This fired the expectations of people in states and princes too had to contend with a Congress in power. (c) The earlier policy was an acknowledgement of the fact that awakening in princely India was low. Now the time had come for its integration as people were ready. So in 1938 @ Haripura, Congress made it clear that complete independence included states as well.
  2. 1938-39 were years of great awakening of people in states and witnessed large number of movements demanding for responsible governments. Praja mandals came up in many states and intensified their activities to an unprecedented scale. Massive agitations took place in Jaipur, Rajkot, Travancore, Kashmir, Hyderabad which were often led personally by congress leaders.
  3. In 1942 while launching Quit India movement, no distinction was made between £ India and princely states.
  4. Due to heavy and indiscriminate repression, CPI tended to rally peasants behind it and lead the struggle. Often such movements turned violent.

Reasons for difference from provinces

  1. Lack of civil liberties, associations etc. meant that space for political peaceful agitations was small. So there was much greater tendency for use of violence. Gandhian strategy could work in provinces because £ empire was not a totalitarian state. It was semi-authoritarian or dominance based on rule of law. Such a strategy had no space in medieval institutions of princely India.
  2. Brutal medieval repression meant struggles were led by communists.
Quit India Movement
“Do or die”. People accepted the challenge and interpreted it in their own way.
Congress’ attitude towards war
  1. A section under Gandhi were strongly anti-fascist and sympathized with £. So much so that they were ready to extend support to £.
  2. Radicals under SC Bose argued that this was an imperialist war fought by imperial states in both sides for imperial questions. So there is no question of supporting either. Instead the Congress should use this opportunity to launch a mass movement.
  3. JLN like Gandhi made a distinction between fascism and democracy. But like radicals he believed that even though justice was with £, they were basically imperialists. So unless India is freed from £ imperialism it can’t support £. At the same time, it should not compound £ problem by launching a mass movement. His view became the official view of Congress. At the same time it should be felt that demands be presented to government and it be given an opportunity to negotiate. If negotiations fail and nothing happens, only then a mass movement should be launched. For this eventuality, Congress’ organization should be cleansed and people should be prepared for the struggle.
  4. By end of 1940 it was clear government was not in a mood to negotiate. Hence Congress gave charge to Gandhiji once again to prepare people for a mass movement. He decided to initiate a limited satyagraha by a few individuals in each locality. The satyagrahis would be hand-picked, would inform the magistrate of the venue and time of his satyagraha in advance, go to the spot, make an anti-war speech and court arrest. If the government didn’t arrest him, he would move into villages and spread the message. The aim of this satyagraha was to inspire people, prepare them and to give further chance to £ to negotiate and if they don’t then to expose their true intentions to people. So this satyagraha was pretty successful.
  5. After the failure of Cripps mission, Gandhiji decided to launch Quit India.

£ response to Congress

  1. £ were happy the Congress ministries resigned. They refused to accept Congress’ demand of complete freedom after the war and effective transfer of power immediately. They merely said £ were fighting the war to resist aggression and that after the war GoI Act 1935 reforms would be discussed with various Indian parties.
  2. The £ followed their old imperialist policy, tried to harp on differences between ML and Congress and refused to believe that they will have to leave India.

Reasons for Congress not launching a mass movement in 1939-40

  1. Congress felt that since £ cause in the war was justified, their problems shouldn’t be compounded.
  2. They felt Congress organization was not ready for launching a mass movement. It was full of corrupt self-serving elements as Congress had been in power. Congress had lost touch with people due to its ministries.
  3. Lack of Hindu-Muslim unity could easily have triggered communal riots during the mass movement and even civil war.
  4. Gandhian philosophy argued that a mass movement is most effective only when the possibility of negotiation is exhausted. Only then people feel what is happening is unjust and pour in. So decision was made to present demands to £ and try to negotiate with them. At the same time keep on preparing the people and cleansing organization for the eventual mass movement.

Factors responsible for the launch of Quit India Movement

  1. Failure of Cripps Mission: Cripps Mission was never serious about giving independence to India or to give it any meaningful responsibility for defence during the war. So despite early reservations about launching a movement, Congress and Gandhiji came to the conclusion that any further silence would amount to accepting the right of £ to coerce India into the war. Also its failure had exposed the intentions of £ to people and made them ready.
  2. £ war reversals: The way £ and French were getting swept away led to a popular feeling of imminent £ fall. Japanese were on the doorsteps. Also the way £ and French had fled from Asia leaving the natives behind had exposed their true thinking. This way both the legitimacy and the awe of £ rule was gone. It can be gauged from the fact that there was a run on the banks and people had started hoarding bullion.
  3. War time difficulties; Like shortages, inflation, famines, coercion etc.

Quit India Movement Phase 1 – Mass Protests (August 1942 – October 1942)

  1. Mass, mass reaction. Biggest strikes, agitations, the country was paralyzed. Violence happened everywhere. Symbols of government authority were attacked. Clashes happened with authorities. Railway stations, post offices, police stations, public buildings were all targets. National flags were hoisted forcibly on many public buildings. £ rule ceased to exist in many parts of the country. People actually uprooted railway tracks, blew up bridges, cut telegraph wires, burnt public property.
  2. Many provincial and local leaders who were able to evade arrest returned to their homes and spread into villages. News and rumors began to reach villages and complete paralysis there as well. Students and youth participated in immense numbers. They defied the ban on press by circulating hand written journals. Labor struck work most notably @ Ahemdabad, Bombay, Jamshedpur, Poona. The reaction was most intense in UP and Bihar where students dispersed into villages, organized peasants and burnt all symbols of government authority.
  3. Suppression was equally brutal which coupled with the fact that leaders had already been arrested led to quick subsidence of the mass phase.

Quit India Movement Phase 2 – Underground Activities (October 1942 – February 1943)

  1. The active phase had died. Leaders went underground and began to organize underground resistance. They also began to coordinate their efforts and developed an underground network. Achyut Patwardhan, Aruna Asaf Ali, Lohiya, Sucheta Kriplani and Biju Patnaik were main underground leaders. They saw their main role as keeping up the public morale by continuing to provide an organization and line of command. These leaders comprised of all sections of nationalists – CSP, Forward Bloc, Gandhi Ashramites, revolutionary terrorists. Capitalist class actively supported the underground leaders. Students acted as workers and couriers. Villagers refused to aid police by providing information. Train drivers etc. delivered bombs.
  2. Usha Mehta ran the Azad Radio from ‘somewhere in India’, bands of peasants used to organize sabotage activities in night which came to be known as Karnataka Method, JP Narayan organized a guerilla warfare around Indo – Nepal border, £ definition of ‘underground’ meant the entire nation.
  3. The underground leaders didn’t direct the local level activities. Their role was mainly to provide overall organization and guidance, arrange for material and funds. The actual activities were decided and carried out by local level teams like blowing up bridges, disrupting railways, telegraph, postal services etc. Naturally they failed to have much impact.

Quit India Movement Phase 3 – Gandhi’s Fast (February 1943)

  1. A twist came when Gandhiji commenced a 21 day fast in Feb 1943 in jail against the violence of the government. Once again entire country came to life. But the government refused to oblige and even issued statements wanting Gandhiji’s death.
  2. The fast achieved what it intended. The prestige of £ government reached rock bottom. Gandhiji survived, £ government was seen as wanting him dead, even the Indian members of Viceroy’s executive council resigned. Masses had been stirred again.

Quit India Movement Phase 4 – Parallel Governments

  1. The first one came up in Ballia in UP in August 1942 under Chittu Pande who called himself a Gandhian. It lasted for a week.
  2. In Tamluk in Bengal, another government came up which lasted till 1944. This was an area where Gandhian constructive work had made considerable headway.
  3. Satara witnessed longest lasting parallel government which began from middle of 1943.

The QIM by promising immediate freedom from an oppressive colonial order had thus captured the imagination of a significant section of Indian population, notwithstanding their differing perceptions of freedom.

(a) Bihar
  1. The movement was the most powerful here and had immense participation from a wide section of the peasantry.
  2. @ Patna, students took initiative to mobilize a mammoth rally and hoist the congress flag over the assembly. Masses poured in and all the symbols of £ imperial authority were burnt down.
  3. @ Jamshedpur and Dalmianagar, peasants struck work in almost all the industrial units and in both places they had the consent of the capitalists.
  4. In the last week of August 1942, massive peasant revolts took place in almost each and every village of Bihar. The pattern was similar – the students or the rumors of their arrival would arrive, thousands of ordinary peasants would mobilize and all symbols of £ imperialism would be attacked and any £ personnel found would be killed in public. Everywhere the local civilian and police authorities vacated their posts without resistance – and their compliance cannot be negated. Even zamindars and merchants supported the movement by extending support to the peasants.
  5. @ Barh, parallel government was formed by the lower caste Gops and Dusadhs who started levying their own tax.  Azad Dastas were formed and carried out guerilla warfare with £ and this included JP as well and they also indulged in looting exploitative zamindars.

(b) UP

  1. In E UP @ Gazipur and Azamgarh, the arrival of BHU students galvanized the local peasantry and they followed the usual pattern.
  2. @ Balia, students from BHU and Allahabad University arrived in a hijacked Azad Train and £ rule was ended. Jails were broken open and all political prisoners freed. Chittu Pande, a follower of Gandhi, hereafter formed a parallel government and was proclaimed ziladhish.

(c) Bengal

  1. The movement was strongest @ Tamluk and Kanthi in Midnapore where the £ government had followed a policy of denial and thus had caused immense hardship on the peasants. £ administration collapsed. Even when a cyclone and a tidal wave killed 15K the £ refused to provide relief. @ Kanthi, Swaraj Panchayat was setup and in Tamluk Tamralipti Jaitya Sarkar was setup which continued to function till 1944.
  2. @ Dinajpur, the Santhal tribals participated in the movement in a large scale and fought for Gandhi raj.

(d) Odisha

  1. The movement found heavy support with the peasantry as they had already been mobilized by the congress and its CSP activists. The pattern was familiar – strikes would begin with the students in the cities who would then spread out into the countryside where the entire peasantry would mobilize and destroy all symbols of £ imperialism.
  2. In the princely states of Nilgiri and Dhankanal the tribals and dalits were mobilized by the praja mandals and they violated the forest laws. @ Talcher, the praja mandal leaders ended the rule of the local raja and £ and established a chasi mulia raj where food, shelter and clothes would be provided to everyone. The demonstrators here were gunned down by air force planes.
  3. @ Malkangiri and Nawrangpur, Laxman Naiko assembled the tribals and the peasants and led attacks on the liquor and the opium shops and proudly declared that £ raj had been replaced by Gandhi Raj and that the tribals were no longer required to pay the forest dues.

(e) Maharastra

  1. @ Satara a parallel government of non brahmans emerged which continued until 1946. It had an elaborate organizational structure and had volunteer crops called Seba Dal and village units called Tufan Dals. Nana Patil was an important leader of the movement. It even defied Gandhi’s call for surrender in 1944.

(f) Gujarat

  1. Here it was strongest in Kheda, Surat, Broach and the state of Baroda. Here again one saw the complicity of the industrialist class in the movement.

(g) S India

  1. In TN, rightists like Rajgopalachari as well as dravidian leaders like Periyar opposed the movement (he saw it as a north Indian movement) and so participation remained weak.

(h) Communal Organizations

  1. ML had given a call for the boycott of this movement so muslims too stayed away from it. Similarly Ambedkar too opposed the movement and in fact joined the Viceroy’s executive council as a labor member (and this is why lost his face in the next elections) but dalits poured into the movement in large numbers. Hindu Mahasabha too boycotted the movement but many of its leaders defied the official orders and actively participated in the movement. RSS too didn’t support the movement. Communists were commies after all.
Significance – The leadership had passed on to the ricksha pullers, ekka drivers and other such people whose political knowledge extended only this far – that £ were their enemies.
  1. It had the widest social base. Princely states participated. Peasants from lowest to highest strata participated. Even zamindars supported or remained neutral. Raja of Darbanga one of the biggest zamindars asked his men to help the peasants who had been arrested.
  2. Total concentration of attack against £ and absence of attacks on zamindars even in Bihar and UP where the movement was strongest and in the areas where parallel governments stayed for long times.
  3. Government officials supported the QIM. This broke the back of the £ and made them realize the futility of the attempt to rule India.
  4. Even though Muslim participation in QIM was low, absence of communal riots helped.
  5. It upped the stakes on the table. Now negotiations with £ could only happen on the mode of their departure from India.

Debate: Was QIM a spontaneous outburst or planned rebellion?

(a) Spontaneous Outburst
  1. The element of spontaneity was definitely larger than the earlier ones. The leadership in QIM had no time to chalk out any broad programme.
(b) Planned Rebellion (Gandhi had always meant everything to everyone)
  1. Even though the element of spontaneity was larger, but this was the very strategy of Gandhian movements. The leadership merely chalked out a broad programme and local level committees and people decided what to do exactly given their conditions. Even in CDM (the most organized one) people had the complete freedom to do what they wanted – break salt law, non payment of rent, non payment of chowkidari tax, forest law satyagrahs, picketing liquor shops etc.
  2. Before the movement Gandhi himself emphasized that everyone must henceforth consider himself as a ‘free’ man or woman and chose his own course of action should the leaders be arrested.
  3. Even though the leadership had no time to chalk out the broad programme but the factors behind the QIM, its aims and objectives, the philosophy of QIM were in consonance with the factors, aims and objectives and the philosophy of what the INM had developed over the decades.
  4. Congress had been preparing for this movement during the passive phase from 1934 and actively from 1940s. Limited satyagrahs were there and propaganda spread. Congress organization was being prepared. Last 2 decades of mass politicization efforts also prepared them and there is every evidence to show that they were growing more and more radical under the aegis of congress.
Debate: How does the use of violence reconcile with the non-violence of Gandhi?
  1. Gandhi’s main objection to violence was that it impeded the ability of people to participate in mass movements. But QIM showed they were ready for it. £ had lost their legitimacy by then and stakes were too high for Gandhi to call it off.
  2. “I do not ask from you my own non violence. You can decide what you can do in this struggle”. “I trust the whole of India today to launch a non violent struggle. But even if people deviated from this path of non violence, I shall not swerve, I shall not flinch”. “Do or die”. People accepted the challenge and interpreted it in their own way.

Left Movement

Factors Responsible
  1. The rise of youth following the anti-Simon agitations. Youth were a fertile ground for radical ideas.
  2. The rise of REM activities.
  3. Changing character of INM –> from being an elitist movement to mass movement.
Impact
  1. It was accepted that freedom couldn’t be restricted to political sense. But it had to mean socio-economic freedom as well.
  2. They helped in drawing in peasants and workers into politics and INM.
  3. They even threw up tall leaders and succeeded in commanding influence on central leadership. JLN had leftist leanings.
  4. Their impact can be seen in the Karachi Resolution on Fundamental Rights and Economic Policy in 1931, election manifesto of Congress in 1936 and Planning Committee in 1938.
  5. Movements in many princely states were led by communists since the repression there was brutal and there was no space for peaceful political agitations.

Reasons for Failure

  1. It fought right wing on wrong issues – not on the questions of ideology but methods and tactics. They accused Congress of being pro-imperialist! What a joke! They advocated violence again which found little takers.
  2. They failed to see the Indian reality. They asserted that Congress was a bourgeoisie party, Gandhian tactics of negotiating with £ was a ‘compromise with imperialism’ and any step towards constitutional process as a ‘step towards abandoning struggle’. It saw all efforts to guide the national movement in a disciplined form as an effort by bourgeoisie to not to let it turn radical and slip ‘out of their safe hands’.
  3. They failed to work unitedly and pose a common left front.

Left Within Congress

Congress Socialist Party
  1. After the suspension of CDM, many INC leaders grew disillusioned and in jail they turned to radical ideas like socialism. So in 1934, they setup the Congress Socialist Party under the leadership of JP Narayan, Narendra Dev, Achyut Patwardhan, Ashok Mehta and Minoo Masani.
  2. They agreed on 4 basic propositions – (a) The primary struggle in India was freedom struggle and socialism is not possible without nationalism. (b) CSP should work within the Congress otherwise it would be suicidal. (c) CSP must give Congress a socialist direction. This transformation has to be a process and not an event. (d) CSP to achieve this must organize workers and peasants and raise their demands.
  3. The goal of transformation of Congress was seen in transformation of leadership as well. Initially it meant replacing the leadership @ top. But it was soon found unrealistic to displace Gandhiji. So CSP worked to evolve composite leadership @ all levels. It was to throw up alternate left leaders from the bottom to the top. Matters came to head in 1939 and 1940 sessions, but CSP shied away from splitting the Congress.
JLN
  1. It was accepted that freedom couldn’t be restricted to political sense. But it had to mean socio-economic freedom as well.
  2. He influenced a whole generation of leaders and gave them socialist orientation.
  3. He criticized Gandhiji for refusing to accept conflict of classes, preaching harmony between exploiter and exploited and for his trusteeship theory. He also criticized Gandhian theory of STS and believed struggle was perpetual until victory was achieved.
  4. He welcomed the efforts of WPPs to radicalize Congress and in the Meerut conspiracy case, he defended the communist leaders.
  5. After 1934 when CDM was withdrawn, there were 2 factions in Congress. One for entering legislatures and other for doing constructive work. JLN had a third view where he advocated continuation of struggle. He wanted to continue mobilizing peasants and workers into their unions and draw them towards Congress. Constitutionalism to him was going back to pre-Gandhian era of compromise.
  6. Congress was apathetic to states’ movements. But this policy changed when in 1936 Nehru himself attended the session of All India States’ Peoples’ Conference and called for a mass movement. In 1938 @ Haripura congress decided to support the states’ people.
SC Bose vs rightists, 1939 Tripuri crisis
  1. He said presidential elections should be fought on the basis of ideology (leftist vs rightist in this case) whereas the rightists said Congress president was merely a constitutional head. Real work was done by AICC and working committee. So no question of ideology based presidential elections.
  2. He unleashed a propaganda against Sardar Patel and other rightists and accused them of working on a compromise with the government on question of sharing power. With such grave accusations, naturally the senior leaders couldn’t have worked with SC Bose and a split was imminent.
  3. He had a difference with Gandhian thought. While Gandhiji thought that Congress organization was weak and people were not ready for another mass movement, SC Bose thought that people were ready and the weakness of the organization could be overcome during the movement. But he recognized that he needed Gandhi to launch any mass movement so he wanted him to work on his commands. This was naturally unacceptable to the Gandhi camp.
  4. He believed that if the main leadership doesn’t agree, Congress should be split and people will support the radicals. But CSP and CPI didn’t agree with him as they knew splitting Congress was not feasible.

Bose After Congress

  1. He toured the country to try to fuel an agitation but failed. He came back to calcutta and tried to forge a pact with ML and to launch a CDM over the Black Hole tragedy monument. But he failed and was arrested. Next he fled. Rest is history.
CPI
  1. MN Roy and 7 others setup CPI @ Tashkent in 1920. Independently many communist groups developed in India and in 1925, they setup CPI @ Kanpur.
  2. Initially it asked its members to enroll themselves in INC, form a strong left base in all INC arms and to eventually give INC itself a left leaning. By 1927, communist elements grew stronger and various communist groups began to organize themselves in Workers’ and Peasants’ Parties (WPP) and began to function as the left wing of Congress. Their influence began to grow and by 1928, they had a sizable following. JLN welcomed WPPs’ efforts to radicalize Congress.
  3. In 1928, they split with INC – why? Because in 1927 Koumintang had turned against Chinese communists and Comintern feared it will happen in India as well. So they asked CPI to break relations with Congress and expose its bourgeoisie and imperialist face behind the Gandhian mask.
  4. After the split of 1928, £ isolated the communists and launched the Meerut conspiracy case in 1929. Here again the defense of communists was taken up by many nationalist leaders like JLN and Gandhiji himself visited the communist leaders in jail. CPI went into oblivion and in 1934 it was banned.
  5. In 1935, Comintern changed its earlier position on national alliances and advocated alliances with anti-fascist forces including bourgeoisie led national movements since it now faced the fascist threat. CPI began to participate again till 1942 when USSR allied with £. In this phase, its main aim was again to transform INC into a leftist party.
Other Left Parties
  1. In 1930, MN Roy came to India and found a strong group of Royists.
  2. Forward Bloc was founded in 1939 by SC Bose.
  3. HSRA, RSP, Trotskyists also functioned in 1930s.

Working Class Movements

Phase 1 (- till 1905)

  1. With the growth of industries in India from 1850s, the class of workers also grew. There were some initial strikes but they were mostly sporadic, local, immediate etc. In 1870s, some philanthropic elements tried to organize workers but they were not linked to INM. In 1878, Sorabji Shapoorji Bengali tried to introduce a bill in Bombay Legislative Council to limit work hours. Sasipad Banerji, a Brahmo Samaj worker, setup a Workingmen’s Club in 1870 and brought out a monthly journal called Bharat Shramjivi. In Bombay, Narayan Lokhande brought out a journal called Din Bandhu in 1880 and started Bombay Mill Association in 1890.
  2. The mainstream INM stayed away from worker grievances because of its middle class and elitist character. Moreover, working class was not so strong by then. However, when it came to workers employed by €, they took workers’ side. On the other hand they opposed the Factory Acts.

Indian working class maintained a cultural dual self of a peasant and an industrial worker and remained divided along the religious and the caste lines.

  1. Despite migrating to the cities for better work, Indian workers retained close connections with their villages. In many cases the family remained behind, migration was seasonal only, money was sent etc. and thus they could never ignore the cultural factors which were important to them in the village. Thus religion and caste remained the source of identity and a working class consciousness was visibly absent.
  2. Indian society was dominated by religion and casteism in almost all areas of social discourse. Thus even the residential mohallas of the workers had spatial segregation along the caste and communal lines. At work also various departments in an industry were manned exclusively by workers belonging to a particular caste and religion. Often the higher castes got better jobs while the lower castes got bad ones and at lower pay.
  3. These caste and religious divisions kept the workers divided horizontally and often the employers took advantage of this division. Often one group was used to break the strike of the other group apparently on communal lines. Thus in Madras the Adi-Dravids became the strike breakers of the caste hindu and muslim strikes. But it must be noted that compared to the later they were economically much vulnerable and were totally dependent on wages for survival. Thus such occasions came as opportunities to them and the motivation was economic and not communal.
  4. In many cases many of the ‘communal riots’ of the workers were only communal from surface. Caste and religion being natural rally points in the contemporary Indian society, naturally the religious gatherings in mosques and religious slogans were used to rally support. But the causes were ultimately non communal.

Phase 2 (1905-1919)

  1. The extremists belonged to lower middle classes. So the leanings of INM towards workers increased. This was evident in Swadesi as well where workers participated and struck in large numbers. Swadesi led to growing politicization of workers and integration with INM. Their demands were increasingly linked to national cause.
  2. In 1899, there was a railway signalmen strike which received full support from Tilak’s newspapers. However, the support seen in case of € employed workers was still missing to large extent in case of Indian employed workers.
  3. The increasing connection with INM was also evident when workers struck work against the repression of extremist leaders. But still all-India level organizations were missing.
  4. After the arrival of Gandhi and Russian Revolution, there were some efforts to rally workers and many journals were brought out.

Phase 3 (1919-1928)

  1. The distinguishing feature was emergence of all-India workers’ associations like AITUC in 1920 and integration of workers in INM on a significant scale. The nationalist leaders like CR Das, Lala Lajpat Rai began to openly condemn capitalism and associate themselves with workers’ associations. The workers’ associations began to openly call upon them to join INM.
  2. Gandhiji himself fought for the cause of Ahemdabad workers and gave the concept of trusteeship claiming the real owners were workers and management was mere trustee and was required to act in good faith of workers. It also began to push forward workers’ rights and demands in the INM stream. Workers’ significance grew and now it was realized that swaraj would mean swaraj for workers as well.
  3. CPI was founded @ Kanpur in 1925. Initially it asked its members to enroll themselves in INC, form a strong left base in all INC arms and to eventually give INC itself a left leaning. By 1927, communist elements grew stronger and various communist groups began to organize themselves in Workers’ and Peasants’ Parties (WPP) and began to function as the left wing of Congress. Their influence began to grow and by 1928, they had a sizable following.
  4. JLN also played a vital role in spreading socialistic ideas and made it clear that freedom will not be restricted to political sense. It would mean socio-economic freedom as well.
  5. The socialist leanings of the swarajists also came out in open during the debates on Public Safety Bill meant to try he communists. They criticized capitalism.
  6. Anti-Simon agitations and REM propelled youth leaders to the forefront of INM who were susceptible to radical socialist ideas.

Phase 4 (1928-47)

  1. The £ were getting alarmed at rise of communists and integration with INM. So they began to work on a two-pronged policy. One was suppression of extremists through the Meerut Conspiracy Case of 1928 and other was to wean away the moderates in the labor movement by appointing a commission for labor reforms.
  2. The communists broke away from INC in 1928 and also from INM and didn’t support it. This led to a plummeting popularity and the workers got away from Communists. The membership of their union fell from 54,000 to 800 in 1 year. They were also thrown out of AITUC.
  3. The workers continued to participate in the INM despite the communist opposition. This was because their thinking about the colonial masters was also based on their bad experience as peasants back in the villages. Thus they had no sympathy with the £ sympathizers. In CDM, the work of Sholapur workers is well known.
  4. After the withdrawal of CDM, young Congress leaders were disillusioned and decided to found CSP in 1934. They agreed that – (a) nationalism was the primary struggle in India and was a pre-requisite for socialism. (b) Congress was the sole party capable of carrying out nationalistic cause. (c) CSP should work inside the Congress to give it a left leaning including in the leadership. (d) CSP should organize peasants and workers to do so. In 1935, Communists also joined Congress and together they formed a strong left bloc inside Congress.
  5. However there was a lull in workers activities from 1932-36 only to reemerge in 1937 due to formation of INC governments and subsequent civil liberties.
  6. When WW2 broke out, they were anti-war. But subsequently they supported £ as USSR was with £ and decided not to participate in Quit India Movement. They again lost popularity as workers joined QIM.
  7. After the war, the workers continued to play an important role. They showed support in INA trials, Bombay mutiny etc. by striking.
For GS Mains

Ans 6 (a)

• Singh Sabha

– In the late 19th century.

– Aim: revival of Sikh Guru’s teachings, Campaign to increase literacy and promotion

of Gurumukhi script.

– Reaction to the proselytizing activation of Christian Missionaries.

Ans 6 (b)

• Daman-i-koh

– Forested area of Rajmahal hills

– Present Sahebganj (Jharkhand)

– Santhal revolt.

Ans (c)

• Saliadaran Ayyapan

– Follower of Sri Narayan Guru.

– Social reformer.

– Respected for his selfless social work.

– His slogan – “Jati Venda, Matham Venda. Daivam Venda”

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